Chapter 2, Modern East Asian History Begins with Korea

Hong Zhongyu arrived in Japan, using the opportunity to meet Li Hongzhang's son, Li Jingfang, as bait to entice Jin Yujun to go to Shanghai and negotiate with Li Hongzhang

Did the Qing Dynasty know about this matter? The Qing Dynasty was aware, as Korea had informed the Qing court about it. The newly appointed Japanese envoy to China, Mori Arinori, even directly proposed to the Zongli Yamen to "send personnel and Chinese officials to Korea" as a test, but this was rejected by the Zongli Yamen on the grounds that "there is no such precedent." The Qing court, or rather Li Hongzhang himself, was not inclined to intervene excessively in this matter. This does not mean that the Qing Dynasty was at its wits' end and could no longer care for its vassal states. Although the Qing had lost the Opium War, ceded Hong Kong to Britain, and suffered greatly from the Taiping Rebellion, it could be said to be "full of wounds," yet on the surface, it still appeared quite resplendent. At least in East Asia, no one dared to stir up trouble.

This cannot be entirely attributed to Li Hongzhang's passivity, selfishness, or arrogance; one must look for the reasons within the system of the Qing Dynasty.

From this point on, the king is no longer referred to as "Your Highness" but as "Your Majesty the Emperor," as the monarch of an independent nation

For instance, at this time, the Japanese Minister to China was Takeo Enomoto, while the Consul in Tianjin was none other than the future Prime Minister, Hara Takashi

4. Strengthen the transparency of the royal family and other 14 points, in a word, North Korea has gained independence

It seems as if they were afraid that the Japanese would not find a pretext for war. In the following year, the "Assassination of Kim Ok-kyun" incident occurred. Kim Ok-kyun was the leader of the Korean Independence Party and was viewed as a "great traitor" by the Korean court for planning the Gapsin Coup, which led to a deep-seated hatred against him, with a substantial bounty placed on his head. However, Kim Ok-kyun, under the alias "Ishida Shusaku," was hiding in Japan, protected by the Japanese government. After the Korean court's request for Japan to extradite Kim Ok-kyun was rejected, they sent assassins to Japan four times, all of which ended in failure.

The negotiations regarding the aftermath took place in Jiwupu (now Incheon) without any representatives from the Qing Dynasty. Japan's demands for the cession of the strategically important islands of Geojedo in the Tsushima Strait and Ulleungdo opposite Vladivostok were not realized, as the Qing Dynasty had already gained control over the situation in the Korean court, and the United States had also dispatched warships to mediate.

In order to counter this, Li Hongzhang increased the stationed military force in Korea to 3,000 men to suppress the 1,000 Japanese troops guarding the Japanese legation. In 1882, he signed the "Regulations on Maritime and Land Trade between China and Korea," reaffirming Korea as a vassal state of the Qing Dynasty. He also dispatched Ma Jianzhong and the German advisor Gu Linde to Korea to oversee trade, diplomacy, and customs, providing weapons to reform the Korean army into a new army modeled after the Qing Dynasty.

After the establishment of the Meiji government in Japan, it sent a notification of the new government's formation to Korea, while also proposing demands for trade. This was rejected by the Daewongun, who held significant power in Korea at the time. The superficial reason given was that the format of the Meiji government's diplomatic letter differed from that of the Edo shogunate, and terms such as "Emperor" and "Heavenly Dynasty" used in the Meiji letter were deemed "usurpation"—the titles "Emperor" and "Heavenly Dynasty" could only be used by the suzerain state, the Qing Dynasty. However, this was merely a superficial reason, as these terms had been used in the diplomatic letters of the shogunate. The true reasons were twofold: first, Korea, still in a state of isolation, did not wish to expand trade activities beyond Tsushima; second, Korea harbored an instinctive suspicion towards the newly established Meiji government. Korea had not forgotten the immense disaster brought to the Korean Peninsula by Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion from 1592 to 1598, and it was quite normal for the Korean court to suspect that the Meiji government, which had overthrown the shogunate, might also harbor expansionist intentions. Korea had not forgotten the immense disaster brought to the Korean Peninsula by Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion from 1592 to 1598, and it was quite normal for the Korean court to suspect that the Meiji government, which had overthrown the shogunate, might also harbor expansionist intentions.

The key points of negotiations with Japan are: 1. Punish the Qing army commander stationed in Hanseong

After the incident, Japan immediately dispatched a delegation led by Lieutenant General Kiyotaka Kuroda, the Minister of Army, and Inoue Kaoru, the Vice Minister of Finance, aboard a warship to seek retribution in Korea. It is important to note that this Inoue Kaoru is not the same as the earlier Inoue Yoshika, who was a naval officer and later had a smooth career, eventually rising to the rank of Admiral and being named a Marshal. This Inoue Kaoru is a politician who later served as Japan's Minister of the Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs. This Inoue Kaoru is not the same as the earlier Inoue Yoshika, who was a naval officer and later had a smooth career, eventually rising to the rank of Admiral and being named a Marshal. This Inoue Kaoru is a politician who later served as Japan's Minister of the Interior and Minister of Foreign Affairs

What was Yuan Shikai, who commanded 8,000 troops, doing? Was he just watching from the sidelines? Certainly not, but Yuan Shikai was powerless. Firstly, the Japanese government was extremely vigilant regarding the Qing Dynasty's involvement in the negotiations, repeatedly indicating to the Korean side that if any participation from the Qing was detected, they would immediately "cease negotiations." In fact, on January 8, the day before the signing of the Treaty of Hanseong, Wu Dazheng, in his capacity as the "Qing Dynasty Envoy Extraordinary," forcefully entered the venue in an attempt to change the situation, but was rejected by Inoue Kaoru on the grounds that Wu Dazheng did not possess full powers and that negotiations with the Qing were being conducted separately. Another reason was that on December 19, the Japanese army in Hanseong was defeated by the Qing forces and retreated to Jiwulpo, where they reiterated to the Korean side that if any participation from the Qing was detected, they would immediately "cease negotiations." Furthermore, the British envoy had expressed to Li Hongzhang the intention that "the British Empire does not wish to see the Qing and Japan engage in conflict on the Korean Peninsula," with the underlying movement being driven by Ito Hirobumi, who was far away in Tokyo.

Looking back at Sino-Japanese diplomacy in the late 19th century, one can only lament. The Japanese were not without failures, but it must be fairly acknowledged that the mistakes made by the Japanese were considerably fewer. Moreover, the Japanese of the Meiji period were different from those of the Showa period, as they were able to flexibly adjust their errors in response to changing circumstances. In comparison, figures like Li Hongzhang, who was reputed to be the foremost in diplomacy for the Qing Dynasty, and his Japanese counterparts such as Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Kaoru, seem rather inferior. This inevitably leads one to marvel at the fact that the Meiji period in Japan truly gathered a wealth of talent.

After the perplexed Mutsu left, the next visitor was the Minister of Internal Affairs, Inoue Kaoru. Inoue began by saying, "The development of the situation is quite interesting." Itō Hirobumi interrupted Inoue, saying, "Wanda (Inoue's courtesy name), do not speak carelessly." However, Inoue could not contain his excitement and remarked, "Hong Zhongyu did a splendid job." It turned out that Hong Zhongyu, the assassin sent by the Korean court to kill Kim Ok-kyun, was actually a double agent acting under Inoue's command. This covert operation was so secret that even Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu was unaware of it.

However, Li Hongzhang only sought to preserve himself and did not wish to meddle in affairs. He wanted to be the suzerain state but did not want to see a war break out between Japan and Korea, as he remembered the history of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Japan, which ultimately led to the downfall and transition of the three regimes of China, Japan, and Korea. Therefore, he advocated that "Korea should handle its own affairs," which in reality was an attempt to resolve the issue through peaceful negotiations and to avoid further deterioration of the situation

The "Jianghua Island Incident" that occurred in September 1875 is a highly significant event in the history of relations among East Asian countries

Japanese industrial capital turned its attention to directly establishing cotton yarn and textile factories in Shanghai. In 1887, Shibusawa Eiichi, the president of the First Bank of Japan and known as the "Father of Japanese Capitalism," proposed this suggestion, but it was rejected by the Qing Dynasty. At that time, the Japanese minister to China, Yamada Saburo, advocated for ignoring the Shanghai governor and suggested, "Imitate other foreign countries and install machinery as soon as possible, starting industrial enterprises," but this was vetoed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the grounds that "we should not disregard the strength of diplomatic relations between various countries and our own." Consequently, Mitsui & Co. had to take a roundabout approach by collaborating with Jardine Matheson to invest in establishing factories in Shanghai

The situation is such that the development of industrial capitalism in Japan urgently requires overseas markets and sources of raw materials. How could the vast Chinese mainland not make Japanese industrial capital salivate? However, the Japanese are well aware that to enter the Chinese mainland, they must first conquer the Korean Peninsula, which lies between China and Japan and is closest to Japan.

Since ancient times, Korea has maintained close exchanges with Japan. During Japan's Edo period, whenever a new shogun was appointed, a Korean envoy would come to congratulate and exchange messages. The Tsushima Domain in Japan was the only foreign entity that had trade relations with Korea during the isolationist period, aside from its suzerain, the Qing Dynasty. Korea primarily imported copperware, ceramics, alum, red silk, sugar, and cotton from Japan, while Japan imported mainly tiger skins, bear skins, leopard skins, dog skins, ginseng, shark fins, bear bile, peony bark, and astragalus from Korea. In 1876, the total trade volume for the year was 300,000 yen, which, when converted to today's prices, is approximately 30 million US dollars.

In the future, should there be significant changes within North Korea, both parties must notify each other prior to the deployment of troops

Thus, the subsequent handling caught Minister Huafang off guard. At that time, Foreign Minister Inoue Kaoru was somewhat concerned about foreign intervention and advocated for negotiations first, suggesting that if negotiations broke down, then they could resort to military action. When Minister Huafang confirmed with Generals Takashima and Nirei, asking, "If it comes to fighting, can you defeat the Qing army?" the two generals confidently replied, "If there is a conflict, victory is assured; you just go ahead and negotiate." However, the opportunity for negotiation had already vanished. Following Li Hongzhang's instructions, Wu Changqing placed the Daewon-gun on a warship and sent him into confinement at Tianjin, a confinement that lasted three years, during which even his son, King Gojong of Korea, personally pleaded for his release to no avail. Meanwhile, the Min family regained control of the Korean government, and it appeared that Korea was still under the control of the Qing Dynasty.

Queen Min of the Joseon Dynasty in Korea is held in high esteem on the Korean Peninsula, yet she is, in fact, a tragic figure. It is not that Queen Min possessed political talents; rather, her husband, Gojong, was a man who indulged in wine and women, living in a state of drunken stupor. The catalyst for this coup was the Joseon court's practice of maintaining troops without proper support, leading to a situation where they could no longer manage and resorted to using rice mixed with sand as a pretense, which ultimately resulted in a military uprising. However, Queen Min, possessing a keen political instinct, fled to Yuan Shikai's military camp to seek protection before the uprising occurred. The catalyst for this coup was the Joseon court's practice of maintaining troops without proper support, leading to a situation where they could no longer manage and resorted to using rice mixed with sand as a pretense, which ultimately resulted in a military uprising. However, Queen Min, possessing a keen political instinct, fled to Yuan Shikai's military camp to seek protection before the uprising occurred.

The Korean court subjected the corpse of Kim Ok-kyun to "lingchi" and erected a large flag in Yanghwa Town inscribed with the words "Greatly Treasonous Ok-kyun," displaying the flayed corpse for public view.

Hong Zhongyu was quickly apprehended by the Public Concession Bureau. The Japanese Consulate General requested extradition from the Bureau, but it was denied. The bodies of the criminals Hong Zhongyu and Kim Ok-kyun were handed over to the Shanghai Daotai.

The Japanese government's response to Minister Huafang Yizhi's report was very swift. On July 30, they immediately dispatched a battalion from the 11th Infantry Regiment, led by Major General Takashima Tomonori, along with a Marine Corps totaling two thousand troops, and four warships under the command of Rear Admiral Niri Keihan, to escort Minister Huafang back. These two major generals are quite interesting, as they both later became ministers. Takashima Tomonori served as the Minister of the Army in Matsukata Masayoshi's cabinet and rose to the rank of lieutenant general; while Niri Keihan became the Minister of the Navy ten years later, attaining the rank of admiral. However, the most remarkable was the battalion commander, a major in the infantry, who later became Marshal and Army General Terauchi Masatake.

The crux of this treaty lies in the acknowledgment of Japan's right to deploy troops to Korea. At that time, Li Hongzhang believed that it would take Japan three days to reach Hanjing, while the Qing army could arrive in just a day and a half. Therefore, even if the Japanese forces were to deploy to Korea, the Qing army would still have the advantage. However, it seems that Li Hongzhang did not consider what to do after gaining that advantage

In the second year after the signing of the Treaty of Ganghwa Island in 1876, Japan established "special settlement areas" in Wonsan in 1877 and in Busan in 1880. The land within these settlement areas was only permitted to be leased by Japanese nationals, and the administrative authority within these areas was held by representatives of the Japanese government, applying Japanese law, with police powers also controlled by Japanese personnel. These "special settlement areas" were essentially extensions of Japanese territory, infringing upon Korean sovereignty, particularly in relation to the Chinese "concessions." The entities entering these "special settlement areas" were various financial conglomerates led by Mitsubishi and Okura, who exploited the privilege of being exempt from customs duties to import British woolen fabrics and matches, speculating on Korean currency. This caused devastating damage to the Korean economy. Japanese merchants hoarded grain on the Korean Peninsula and transported it back to Japan to alleviate food shortages, resulting in a two to threefold increase in the prices of rice and wheat in Korea, leading to famine in many areas.

On September 20, the Japanese warship "Yunyang" commanded by Captain Inoue Yoshikane was en route to Niuzhuang, Haicheng, China, when it passed by Ganghwa Island. Inoue Yoshikane's small boat approached Ganghwa Island to request a supply of drinking water and was fired upon by the Korean artillery stationed on the island. The small boat immediately returned to the ship, and the ship's artillery retaliated against the artillery positions on Ganghwa Island. The ship's Marine Corps also landed and set fire to three artillery positions of the Korean army. This is what is referred to as the "Ganghwa Island Incident." However, this is merely the content of Japan's "Public War History." In reality, it was not at all like this

If Hong Zhongyu were completely lying, then Jin Yujun would not have been deceived. The unfortunate aspect of this matter is that Hong Zhongyu was not entirely lying. He indeed knew Li Jingfang and had introduced Jin Yujun to him, stating that Jin Yujun was willing to turn over a new leaf and was a talent that could be utilized by the Qing Dynasty. Consequently, while recuperating in Shanghai, Li Jingfang did indeed send the message, "My father wishes to meet Jin Yujun once."

After North Korea paid 550,000 yen in compensation, it still left a fatal hidden danger: the acknowledgment of the Japanese army's right to station troops in Seoul

The Japanese Minister Takezoe Kinichiro present at the scene stood up and announced loudly: "In order to prevent unforeseen incidents, Japan should send troops to protect the personal safety of the King of Korea at his request." At that moment, the well-trained Japanese soldiers had already driven away the Korean soldiers guarding the palace without anyone knowing where they had gone. Then, Kim Ok-kyun and others swore allegiance to King Lee Jae-hwang, who also feigned regret and distanced himself from the pro-Qing faction led by the Min family, indicating that from now on he would favor the independence faction represented by Kim Ok-kyun.

Ganghwa Island is located at the estuary of the Han River on the Korean Peninsula and is the fifth largest island in South Korea. Due to its significant strategic position, it has been a focal point of tension and conflict for the past one hundred and fifty years. In 1866, following the Daewongun's prohibition of Catholic missionary activities in Korea, the French dispatched over 800 troops to attack Ganghwa Island. After suffering more than 40 casualties, they were forced to retreat, an event known as the "Byeongin Incident." In 1871, five American warships led by the USS Colorado attacked Ganghwa Island in retaliation for the sinking of the American armed merchant ship General Sherman four years earlier. After occupying the island for a month, they voluntarily withdrew their forces. This is referred to as the "Sinmi Incident."

However, at that time, neither Korea nor the Qing Dynasty recognized this point clearly

North Korea, a peninsula located in the northeastern part of Asia, stretching southeast from northeastern China and diagonally towards the Yellow Sea from Japan, spans over 2,200 miles in length. For more than a century, it has continued to play the role of a "hotspot in East Asia." The origin of modern East Asian history, filled with war and bloodshed, begins on the Korean Peninsula

Under the orders of Li Hongzhang, the Minister of Beiyang and Governor-General of Zhili, the bodies of the murderers Hong Zhongyu and Jin Yujun were handed over to Korea

At that time, in addition to the Independence Party advocating for independence, there was also the "Sadae Party" led by Min Yong-ik of the Min family. The term "Sadae" originates from the phrase "serving the great" in the "Mencius," meaning that a small country should follow a great power. A small country like Korea should align itself with a great power like China, a practice that has persisted for thousands of years, and even now, it remains under the protection of the Qing Dynasty. These two political parties were like fire and water, unable to coexist, each accusing the other of being "traitors selling out Korea." On the night of December 4, 1884, Kim Ok-kyun, Park Yong-hyo, and other members of the Korean Independence Party launched a coup. On that day, known as the "Gapsin Coup," King Gojong of Korea held a banquet in the palace to celebrate the establishment of the Seoul Post Office, attended by prominent figures from both the Korean court and foreign diplomats and military officials. Suddenly, about twenty assassins appeared among the guests, and under Kim Ok-kyun's command of "Please be quiet, please be quiet," they systematically killed the king's trusted ministers. At that moment, over 200 fully armed Japanese soldiers suddenly entered the palace; they were the garrison of the Japanese legation in Seoul. According to the Treaty of Jeongmi, Japan had the right to station 1,000 troops in Seoul, but at that time, there were only 200 Japanese soldiers in the city, who had now mobilized in full force.

To draw an analogy with modern society, Li Hongzhang was merely a contractor, and the contract he held was for the safety of the court, or more specifically, that of the Empress Dowager Cixi. The equipment of this contractor consisted of the Beiyang New Army and the Beiyang Navy.

Ittō Hirobumi here called upon Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu to report that the criminals and the corpses had already been handed over to the Shanghai Taotai by the Municipal Government. He warned that if there was no further negotiation with the Shanghai Taotai, it would be too late. He then summoned Interior Minister Inoue Kaoru, stating: "What Hong Zhongyu said is certainly important, but it is estimated that the corpse of Kim Ok-kyun will be handed over to Korea. Kim Ok-kyun is considered a great traitor in Korea, so we should first observe how Korea handles Kim Ok-kyun's corpse before making any decisions."

North Korea and China, bordering Russia, are separated by the Tsushima Strait and face Japan's Kyushu. Due to this unique geographical position, the Korean Peninsula naturally became a battleground for great powers competing with each other after entering the era of colonialism and imperialism in the 19th century

Like all countries, in the early stages of capitalist development, the textile industry was synonymous with industrial capital

After observing Yuan Shikai's passive stance in Hanjong, Ito Hirobumi realized Li Hongzhang's weakness. On February 24, 1885, he, along with fellow councilor Saigo Takamori, went to Tianjin to negotiate the aftermath with Li Hongzhang

The policy of the Japanese government is: "The negotiating counterpart is North Korea, not the Qing Dynasty." One reason for this is that, in addition to Yuan Shikai originally having stationed 3,000 troops in Korea, after the incident, Li Hongzhang also dispatched Wu Dazheng to lead an additional 5,000 naval and land troops to Seoul for reinforcement, while the Japanese were not yet fully prepared for a comprehensive war; another reason is that since the Treaty of Ganghwa Island, the Japanese government has been creating the established fact that "Korea is an independent country."

The words of Army Minister Youpeng after the incident revealed the mystery: this is the "implementation of the predetermined plan." The military history of the Japanese Army and Navy is divided into two categories: one is called "publicly published military history," which is for everyone to see; the other is locked in the iron cabinets of the General Staff and the Army Command, known as the confidential document titled "Military History of Year XX," which is the true military history. In the "Military History of the Navy in the Eighth Year of Meiji," there is a report written by Inoue Yoshikane on October 1, which clearly states that the Japanese armed boats were conducting waterway surveys. After receiving warnings from the Korean side, they instead intensified their advance towards the Han River upstream in the direction of Seoul, which led to the warning fire from Korea.

However, it was just one night of independence

There is a saying: the saddest countries are those that are peninsular, as they are almost never at peace. One can agree with this statement by examining the modern history of the Balkan Peninsula, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Korean Peninsula.

For a long time, Korea has been in a vassal state position under China, but it does not completely align with the modern political science concept of a colony. Instead, it represents a type of autonomous vassal state unique to Chinese culture, where the suzerain country generally does not interfere in its internal affairs. Li Hongzhang had actually recognized the flaws of this approach and sought to shift towards a more participatory form of semi-direct rule. He understood that Japan had not yet made demands for territorial cessions, mining rights, and inland trade with Korea solely because the Qing Dynasty was contemplating whether to station troops directly. Therefore, to maintain Korea in the future, it was essential to station a permanent army on the Korean Peninsula, expand naval strength, and gain control over Korea's military and diplomatic powers. The decision to send troops was fundamentally based on this consideration, rather than merely acting as bodyguards for the Daewongun.

As estimated by Ito Hirobumi, Li Hongzhang indeed handed over the bodies of the criminals Hong Zhongyu and Kim Ok-kyun to the Korean court. Furthermore, to demonstrate the might of the Qing Dynasty, he specifically used the Beiyang Fleet's warship "Weiyuan".

However, the Qing Dynasty was the largest country in Asia. How could a small nation like Japan, which had only undergone modernization for less than 30 years, possibly win a war against the great power of the Qing Dynasty?

The land area of 220,000 square kilometers is slightly larger than the neighboring Jilin Province in China, and is approximately half the size of Heilongjiang Province. About 80% of the area consists of mountainous terrain unsuitable for agriculture, and the land is not very fertile. Yet, in this seemingly unremarkable peninsula, it has been repeatedly ravaged by war over the past century, making it one of the regions with the highest frequency of conflict in the world. Even to this day, the Korean Peninsula may still be the area with the highest concentration of military forces in the world.

A small nation was able to defeat Western powers twice and reject the unequal treaties that were to be imposed upon them, which is truly remarkable. However, the fundamental reason why both invasions ultimately ended merely in "foreign disturbances" lies in the fact that neither France nor the United States was genuinely prepared to invade the Korean Peninsula, as there were more enticing and lucrative markets in the Chinese mainland ahead of it.

The fifth assassin is quite unconventional; he is Hong Zhongyu, who has returned from studying in France and is determined to become the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The Korean court has placed a high bounty on the head of Kim Ok-kyun, but Hong Zhongyu, aside from the necessary funds, does not want money; what he seeks is an official position. The Korean court harbors a deep-seated hatred for Kim Ok-kyun and readily agrees to Hong Zhongyu's terms.

Of course

The Japanese viewed the Sino-French War as a fortuitous opportunity. On September 9, 1884, Itagaki Taisuke, the leader of the Liberal Party, met with the French envoy to Japan, Saqui, requesting France to provide 1 million dollars as funding for their coup in Korea to coordinate with French actions in Annam. At that time, the entire Japanese political sphere was united, each trying to instigate a coup in Korea. Senator Ito Hirobumi, fearing that the Liberal Party would take the credit, decided to take matters into his own hands, directing Inoue Kakugorō, the chief editor of the Seoul Daily, and Kim Ok-kyun and Park Yong-hyo of the Korean Independence Party to collaborate and specifically plan the coup. He also arranged for the return of 400,000 yen from the 550,000 yen compensation paid by Korea after the Imo Incident to the independence activists as funding for the coup through the Japanese envoy in Korea, Takezō Jinchirō.

This is entirely a case of exorbitant bargaining, yet Ito Hirobumi seems to be quite confident. The Qing Dynasty, which had just suffered a significant defeat at the hands of France, was not as defiant as Li Hongzhang claimed when he stated, "We are prepared for a major conflict and have already resolved to fight France." After 13 days of six rounds of negotiations, both parties signed the Treaty of Tianjin between China and Japan, which included the following three provisions: 1. The Qing Dynasty and Japan shall simultaneously withdraw their troops from Korea within four months.

After the signing of the Treaty of Ganghwa Island, Japanese products flooded into the Korean Peninsula. The ratio of Chinese to Japanese products circulating in the Korean Peninsula was 87 to 13 in 1882, while by 1892, ten years later, this ratio had changed to 55 to 45

After a week of discussions between the Japanese and Korean sides regarding the issue of "Why Japan Deployed Troops to the Palace," they signed the Treaty of Hanseong, which involved the Korean side partially yielding. The contents of the treaty included the payment of reparations to Japan, the acknowledgment of responsibility for the burning of the Japanese legation by the Korean side, and the funding for the reconstruction of the Japanese consulate.

Unfortunately, subsequent developments indicated that the suspicions of the Korean court were justified

Due to this ban, Japanese merchants suffered a loss of 140,000 yen, and the Japanese government lodged a strong protest to the King of Korea. However, the investigation by the Korean side revealed that the King was unaware of this matter, and Zhao Bing-shi was merely executing Yuan Shikai's orders

At this moment, Mutsu Munemitsu finally realized another aspect of the situation

But what about Japan? Beginning in the late 1860s, Japan underwent the Meiji Restoration, promulgated the Constitution of the Empire of Japan, and convened a parliament composed of the House of Representatives and the House of Peers, achieving political unity and stability under a constitutional monarchy, and initiating a policy of enriching the country and strengthening the military. Although still quite backward, Japan had already become a modern state in a political sense. By 1892, Japan's exports to the Qing Dynasty (including Hong Kong) reached 19.65 million yen, accounting for 21.5% of Japan's total exports, which was three times the amount in 1884. Although still quite backward, Japan had already become a modern state in a political sense. By 1892, Japan's exports to the Qing Dynasty (including Hong Kong) reached 19.65 million yen, accounting for 21.5% of Japan's total exports, which was three times the amount in 1884. Furthermore, the import of raw cotton from China increased from 820,000 yen to 6 million yen, a 7.5-fold increase, over the five years starting in 1887. It is worth noting that at that time, trade between the Qing Dynasty and Japan was almost entirely controlled by Qing merchants, with Japanese merchants only having established two branches of Mitsui & Co. in Shanghai and Tianjin. Furthermore, the import of raw cotton from China increased from 820,000 yen to 6 million yen, a 7.5-fold increase, over the five years starting in 1887. It is worth noting that at that time, trade between the Qing Dynasty and Japan was almost entirely controlled by Qing merchants, with Japanese merchants only having established two branches of Mitsui & Co. in Shanghai and Tianjin

Both parties shall no longer send military advisors and trainers to North Korea

Minister Takezawa has once again made a statement akin to "There is no silver here worth three hundred taels." This incident arose from the escalating conflict between the Independence Party and the Daedong Party, and Japan has no connection to this event; the Japanese army merely entered the palace at the request of the king. This is somewhat disrespectful to the intelligence of people around the world. In fact, in a telegram sent by Takezawa to Foreign Minister Inoue Kaoru on November 12, just days before the coup, it was clearly stated: "To break the Qing Dynasty's advantageous position in Korea, incite the pro-Japanese Independence Party to instigate internal turmoil." Inoue Kaoru reported the situation in Korea to Ito Hirobumi, who had just returned from an inspection in Europe. Ito instructed: "All countries are very sensitive regarding the Korean issue; we must act cautiously. We cannot give the impression of interfering in internal affairs, especially in public. The Korean royal family must not be in danger." Thus, on November 28, Inoue sent a mysterious diplomatic telegram to Takezawa stating: "Permit Plan B." This was because, aside from the "Plan B" of "protecting the Korean king," there was also a "Plan A" for "direct intervention." Following the coup, a new cabinet was immediately formed, led by the king's relative Lee Jae-won as Prime Minister, Park Yong-hyo as Vice Prime Minister, and Kim Ok-kyun as Minister of Finance. This new cabinet was quite efficient, promptly convening a meeting to decide on several points:

Li Hongzhang may have thought: "This might provoke Japan, but Japan currently lacks the military strength to confront the Qing Dynasty, so it is not a cause for concern. Conversely, this action will result in the Korean court being grateful to the Qing, which will be very helpful in completely driving Japanese influence out of Korea." At least at that time, Li Hongzhang was not aware that the entire assassination incident was a trap set by the Japanese.

From 1887, during a span of five years, Japan's textile industry expanded its production scale fivefold, with output increasing ninefold, and the production efficiency of textiles reaching an internationally advanced level. Like all emerging nations, Japan at that time possessed the latest equipment but had the lowest labor costs. For instance, the cost of producing a bundle of 20 cotton yarns in India was 17.76 yen, while in Japan it was only 11.03 yen

Li Hongzhang's thought embodies the traditional ideology of the central empire over thousands of years, which merely seeks to demonstrate its authority over the barbarians. Although Li Hongzhang recognized that the Qing Dynasty was facing a "situation unprecedented in thousands of years" and that it confronted a "formidable enemy unseen in thousands of years," he did not possess the necessary mindset to resolve issues through combat or even war, especially against Japan, which he regarded merely as a "small island nation."

The lesson the Japanese learned from the Renwu Rebellion is that they cannot bypass their suzerain, the Qing Dynasty, regarding the issue of Korea. Any improper ambitions towards Korea can only be realized after they have made the determination to engage in a full-scale war with the Qing. However, they believe they do not yet possess this capability and have not made this determination.

3. Abolish the old cabinet, reform the tax system, and eliminate eunuchs

The "Anti-Gu Treaty Negotiations" lasted for four years and finally concluded in May 1893 with the Korean government fully compensating Japanese merchants for their losses. Yuan Shikai's role in this incident provided Japan with an excellent pretext for inciting public opinion and declaring war on the Qing Dynasty.

The Japanese engaged in activities in Korea that extended beyond mere economic interests; they also proposed the leasing of the port of Busan and the island of Jeonguk for military purposes. Such actions naturally incited a growing anti-Japanese sentiment among the Koreans. The Confucian scholars in Korea, who had long been advocating the theory of "Upholding Righteousness and Rejecting Evil," found their ideas gaining wider circulation. King Gojong of Korea, Lee Jae-hwang, whose biological father was the Daewongun Lee Hee-ung, had his power usurped by the Min family. He seized upon this situation to communicate with the Confucian scholars and also connected with the old military forces that had been displaced by the Japanese-style army. On July 23, 1882, he launched a coup d'état, ousting Queen Min and regaining power. The coup forces killed Lieutenant Horimoto Reizo and six other Japanese military instructors, and they attacked the Japanese legation in Hanseong. The Japanese minister, Hanabusa Yoshikazu, fled to Jiwonpo, now known as Incheon, where he was eventually rescued by a British warship. This event is known as the "Imo Incident." However, the Daewongun was essentially a politically illiterate troublemaker; he believed that by forcing his son to relinquish power, he had achieved a great success, without considering how Japan and the Qing Dynasty would react, nor did he contemplate the actions of his son Gojong's consort, Queen Min.

In fact, it was not yet one night—while the Republicans and the Japanese were celebrating their "independence" late into the night, Li Zaihuang seized the opportunity to slip out and seek out Yuan Shikai. Just as Minister Takeuchi discovered that the main figure was missing and exclaimed, "It's over!", Yuan Shikai was ordering, "All units mobilize, attack the royal palace, and drive the Japanese out." The centipede, though dead, does not stiffen. Although the Qing Dynasty was on the brink of death, or rather, had become a political zombie, it still appeared quite formidable on the surface. It would be unfair to say that the Qing officials, led by Empress Dowager Cixi, were merely waiting to die; they still hoped to restore the Qing. Especially in dealing with this coup, firstly, Yuan Shikai was capable, and secondly, the Qing had no way out. The Sino-French War, despite victories such as the great triumph at Zhennan Pass, was a complete defeat for the Qing. Zuo Zongtang's criticism of Li Hongzhang for signing the Treaty of Tianjin was merely a rhetorical attack, lacking substantial reasoning.

On the surface, the problem of the Qing Dynasty appears to be the invasion of foreign powers, who demanded territorial concessions and reparations. However, the solution is not as simple as purchasing a few foreign rifles, cannons, or warships. The issue lies in the very concept of the ruling authority. The so-called Qing Dynasty is merely the Aisin Gioro family; more precisely, it refers to the emperor, or in the context of that time, it is more accurate to say it was the private property of the Empress Dowager Cixi, entirely unrelated to anyone else. Even if the esteemed Li Hongzhang held numerous dazzling titles—such as Grand Tutor to the Crown Prince, Grand Scholar of the Wenhual Hall, Governor-General of Zhili, and First Class Duke of Suyi—he was merely a servant of the Aisin Gioro family, and as long as the family wished, they could dismiss him at any moment.

The "Giap Shen Coup" was a complete failure. Jin Yujun fled to Japan together with Minister Zhu Tian from Jiwupu. Upon receiving the report that "the coup has completely failed, the king has fallen into the hands of the Qing army, and the Qing army has fully controlled Hanseong," Inoue Kaoru immediately reported to the three ministers of the United States and convened an emergency joint meeting with Minister of Internal Affairs Yamagata Aritomo, Minister of the Army Yamamoto Sakujiro, Minister of the Navy Kawamura Sumiyoshi, and Councilor Ito Hirobumi. The result was that Inoue Kaoru, as the plenipotentiary envoy, would lead a force of two thousand troops, accompanied by Lieutenant General Takashima Tomonosuke and Vice Admiral Hayama Yoshinori, to Korea to seek retribution.

The key point of the Treaty of Ganghwa Island lies in its first clause: "The Kingdom of Korea is a sovereign state and possesses equal rights with the Empire of Japan." This clause may seem fair today and aligns with the international principle of "all nations, regardless of size, are equal." However, it cannot be interpreted this way in the context of that time. Korea was a vassal state of the Qing Dynasty, and Japan's initial challenge in its ambitions towards Korea was its relationship with the Qing. In 1876, Japan had not yet completed preparations for a war with the Qing, and it could only seek ways to insert a wedge between the Qing and Korea, laying the legal groundwork for the eventual direct confrontation with the Qing.

Therefore, Ito Hirobumi recalled the Japanese Minister to Korea, Otori Keisuke. It should be noted that Otori Keisuke was originally an advocate of the "Japan-China Alliance Theory," believing that Japan and the Qing Dynasty should unite to expel the Western powers from Asia. He had also met with Yuan Shikai multiple times in Seoul to discuss how to advance the reforms and modernization of Korea. However, this viewpoint has now become outdated; the current issue is when to go to war with the Qing Dynasty.

However, in 1894, the market prices in Shanghai were not as such. The market price for Indian cotton yarn was 94.54 yen per bundle, while the price for Japanese cotton yarn was 97.2 yen per bundle, indicating that Japanese cotton yarn lacked competitiveness. This was due to the additional costs of 4.01 yen for raw cotton freight and a total of 4.90 yen for the cotton import tax and cotton yarn export tax imposed by Japanese customs. Even after Japan implemented reductions and exemptions on import and export tariffs, Japanese products still could not compete with Indian products

However, this capability is undergoing changes. The latter half of the 19th century was one of the most disastrous periods for China. In the second year after the Renwu military coup, 1883, France dispatched troops to another tributary state of China, Vietnam, while simultaneously attacking Yunnan. The French navy also attacked Fujian, Taiwan, and Zhejiang, controlling the Taiwan Strait and occupying the Penghu Islands

The Qing army retreated from Hanseong

This is due to North Korea's geographical location

Abolish the tribute system to the Qing Dynasty

The victim has arrived at the door; surely the lord of the courtyard must be anxious? No, he is not anxious, for Li Hongzhang has also dispatched Wu Changqing, who brought three thousand men under the protection of three warships to confront the Japanese forces in Hancheng.

The Qing Dynasty was not a state in the modern sense and was already facing the fate of being eliminated by the times. If the Qing Dynasty wished to continue to exist in this world, it was essential to undertake a thorough reform, unlike Japan's Meiji Restoration. However, the Qing Dynasty, led by Empress Dowager Cixi, lacked this awareness, desire, determination, and capability.

For the Qing Empire, Korea was merely a vassal state that occasionally came to pay tribute and required some rewards. Out of respect for the dignity and tradition of the "Central Empire," the Qing did not seek any economic interests on the Korean Peninsula; what the Qing needed was the dignity that came from having vassal states. For Russia, trapped in the icy Arctic Circle and dreaming of the warm southern paradise, Korea represented an ice-free port that could lead to the south. As for Japan, which had just grasped the jungle rules governing the world at that time, completed the Meiji Restoration, and was eager to secure a place for survival under these rules, Korea was, in the words of then Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi, "a sword thrusting into Japan's abdomen." Some people, when discussing the First Sino-Japanese War, like to focus on the so-called "Donghak Peasant Revolution," but in reality, that was merely the most superficial direct cause of the conflict between China and Japan. The saying "three feet of ice does not form in a single day" applies here; the First Sino-Japanese War was, in fact, inevitable and unavoidable. The "Donghak Peasant Revolution" was not the cause of the First Sino-Japanese War, but rather a necessary outcome of the development of international relations in East Asia, as well as the result of long-term efforts by the Japanese military and government.

However, the Qing Dynasty repeatedly made mistakes. In 1889, the "Grain Protection Order Incident" occurred, where Japanese merchants hoarded and purchased rice and wheat from the Korean Peninsula, causing food prices to soar and the people to suffer. In 1889, Zhao Bingshi, the governor of Hamgyeong Province, suddenly announced a ban on the export of grain from Wonsan to Japan

Thus, at all times, Li Hongzhang must first consider the stability of his position as a contractor. Of course, this stability depends on the financial viability and payment capacity of his client company—the Qing Dynasty. However, for Li Hongzhang, the issue of his own contracting company not going bankrupt is even more crucial. Consequently, the actions of Li Hongzhang and his Qing army during the subsequent First Sino-Japanese War become easily explicable. The territorial concessions and indemnities are actually unrelated to Li Hongzhang and his contracting company; they pertain to his client company, the Qing court. Therefore, everything Li Hongzhang did was not for that court, let alone for a nation that did not yet exist, but rather for the interests of his company. Meanwhile, the Qing court, having delegated the responsibility of defense to Li Hongzhang, would only hold him and his subordinates accountable according to the contractual agreements in the event of a crisis. The fate of the nation, or the losses incurred by the Aisin Gioro family, would not concern anyone.

On August 1, the Minister of the Army, Yamagata Aritomo, issued another order to mobilize the two town battalions in Tokyo and Kumamoto, forming a mixed brigade in Kumamoto, while simultaneously mobilizing transport ships, preparing for immediate reinforcement.

The rejection of the national document sparked a significant debate in Japan regarding the invasion of Korea. Although the proponents of the invasion, such as Saigo Takamori and Itagaki Taisuke, were forced to resign due to opposition from figures like Okubo Toshimichi, the invasion did not materialize. However, this dispute eventually escalated into a large-scale civil war known as the "Satsuma Rebellion." This illustrates that the Korean Peninsula has always been an alluring temptation for Japan

Jin Yukun was overjoyed upon receiving Li Jingfang's reply, his mind filled with visions of persuading Li Hongzhang with his eloquent arguments after their meeting. "Hmph, who else but me can simultaneously leverage both the Qing and Japanese nations?" He dismissed the objections from leaders like Touzan, Taketani, and Inukai with a kick, and then, accompanied by Hong Zhongyu, boarded the passenger ship "Xijing Maru" to Shanghai on March 27, 1894

Da Bird Kyuji threw down a remark and turned to leave: "You must take responsibility for everything that happens between Japan, the Qing Dynasty, and Korea in the future." At this moment, Japan was in complete chaos. Critics such as Ozaki Yukio and Inukai Tsuyoshi were writing articles and giving speeches attacking the Qing Dynasty, Korea, and the "weak government," with Fukuzawa Yukichi, who is now printed on the 10,000 yen banknote, being the most vocal. Fukuzawa wrote in the "Jiji Shimpo": "When Kim Ok-kyun was killed in Shanghai, the Korean officials did not go to Tianjin to discuss with Li Hongzhang, yet the Qing navy could act swiftly, which is quite astonishing. In contrast, the actions of the Japanese since Kim Ok-kyun's assassination have been as slow as a sick patient, which is also surprising." It should be noted that this was very satisfying to Ito Hirobumi and Inoue Kaoru, as public opinion was developing towards criticizing the government and the Prime Minister, and it could be said that the situation was on the verge of erupting; any pretext could lead to war.

On the evening of the 28th, Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu, having received the telegram reporting the death of Kim Ok-kyun, rushed to the residence of Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi in a state of agitation. Contrary to Mutsu's expectations, Ito calmly analyzed the situation: "Kim Ok-kyun was under the protection of Japanese law. This individual was deceived by an assassin and taken to Shanghai, and it also involves the son of Li Hongzhang. Now we must see how Qing China, or rather, how Li Hongzhang will handle this matter. Are you prepared to request the extradition of the murderer and the body of Kim Ok-kyun from Qing China?"

At this time, the Japanese envoy to Korea, Otori Keisuke, under the instructions of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, lodged a protest with the Korean Foreign Office against Cho Byung-jik. However, Cho Byung-jik firmly rejected the protest, stating: "Mr. Envoy, although Kim Ok-kyun was deceived by the assassins to go to Shanghai, was it not you who kept us informed of Kim Ok-kyun's whereabouts? Kim Ok-kyun is a criminal guilty of treason in Korea; how to handle Kim Ok-kyun is an internal matter for Korea"

Do not rush; first observe how Li Hongzhang acts. Send a telegram instructing the Shanghai Consulate to wait quietly for domestic instructions and not to act rashly

However, Japan was different. In the 19th century, the economic value of the Korean Peninsula may not have been significant. But as the dubious "Tanaka Memorial" states: "To conquer China, one must first conquer Manchuria and Mongolia; to conquer Manchuria and Mongolia, one must first conquer Korea." If Japan wished to reach the desirable Chinese mainland, it had to first pass through the less appealing Korea. Korea was the first stepping stone for Japan to enter the world.

However, these measures are neither thorough nor timely

Yuan Shikai's thoughts may not have been incorrect, but he failed to recognize that the world had become much smaller due to the emergence of colonialism and imperialism, and that a "international convention" had arisen, a monstrosity that changes according to the value standards of the great powers. Acting at will, apart from providing others with leverage, yields nothing.

China has lost Annam, leaving only Korea among its vassal states. Now, the one attempting to take advantage of Korea is Japan, which has always had a somewhat vassal-like status. How could this not drive figures like Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai to madness? Therefore, this time Yuan Shikai personally led 500 elite troops to attack the royal palace, while the Qing army also launched an assault on the Japanese legation, setting it ablaze, preventing any coordination between the two. However, the attack on the royal palace was temporarily halted to allow the Japanese legation and the Japanese garrison to escape. Yuan Shikai, without instructions from Li Hongzhang, dared not escalate the situation.

This is the economic and social impetus behind the Japanese fabrication of the "Ganghwa Island Incident" and the coercion of the Korean court into signing the "Ganghwa Island Treaty"

After intense negotiations under military pressure, Japan and Korea signed the Treaty of Ganghwa Island, officially known as the Treaty of Amity and Commerce between Japan and Korea, on February 26, 1876. This was the first unequal treaty in Korean history and marked the beginning of modern East Asian history. The Treaty of Ganghwa Island signified Korea's emergence from its isolationist policies, officially becoming a stage for the competition among great powers. According to the treaty, Japan obtained settlement areas in Korea similar to "concessions," and Japanese products enjoyed duty-free treatment in Korea