Chapter 4, the opportunity has arrived
The cabinet meeting quickly reached a unanimous decision to dispatch troops to Korea to protect the Japanese legation and Japanese nationals in Korea, with the forces being organized into a mixed brigade from the 5th Division stationed in Hiroshima. On June 5, in accordance with the "War Headquarters Regulations," a "General Headquarters" was established within the General Staff. It should be noted that this General Headquarters is illegal, as the establishment of a General Headquarters according to the "War Headquarters Regulations" should occur only after a declaration of war has been issued and a state of war has commenced. However, on June 5, Japan had not yet declared war on the Qing Dynasty. Who, then, is concerned about such matters? Two days later, on June 7, Army Minister Oyama Iwao and Navy Minister Saigo from the Road issued announcements prohibiting newspapers and magazines from publishing any news related to military actions.
On the same day, the "Central Army Treasury Department" was established to implement wartime finance with legislative and judicial independence—allowing the military to freely utilize all financial resources
On July 19, 1894, based on the proposal put forth by Colonel Yamamoto Gonbei, the head of the Army General Staff, the renamed "Western Sea Fleet" was formed by combining the garrison fleet and the standing fleet into a "Combined Fleet." This marked the first establishment of a Combined Fleet in the Imperial Japanese Navy, with Vice Admiral Itō Yūhō serving as the first Commander-in-Chief and Colonel Kaijima Kazunori as the first Chief of Staff
On June 3, the North Korean government officially notified the Qing court requesting assistance. On the same day, the Japanese consul in Tianjin, Arakawa, who had already learned of this matter through a telegram from Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu, paid a visit to Li Hongzhang and reiterated Sugimura's words, which further convinced Li Hongzhang that the Japanese had no intention of intervening in Korea, thus solidifying the decision to send troops to Korea. On June 6, the Chinese minister in Japan, Wang Fengzao, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the 1885 Sino-Japanese Treaty of Tianjin, notified Japanese Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu that, at the request of the Korean government, and according to the precedent of 'our dynasty protecting its vassal states,' he ordered the Governor of Zhili, Ye Zhichao, to 'select a strong army and swiftly advance to the Jeolla and Chungcheong regions of Korea to take appropriate action to block and suppress... Once the matter is completed, they shall return immediately and not remain for defense.'
On the 9th, the Yaeyama arrived at Incheon Port. Prior to this, Vice Admiral Ito Yuheng, commander of the Japanese Permanent Fleet, led the warships Matsushima, Chiyoda, and Takao from Matsu Island in Fujian, making haste to Busan and then proceeding directly to Incheon. At this time, the Japanese warships docked at Incheon Port included Matsushima, Chiyoda, Yaeyama, Chikushi, Yamato, and Akagi, totaling six vessels, while China had only three ships: Jiyuan, Yangwei, and Pingyuan. The naval power of the Japanese Navy far surpassed that of the Chinese Navy. At this time, the Japanese warships docked at Incheon Port included Matsushima, Chiyoda, Yaeyama, Chikushi, Yamato, and Akagi, totaling six vessels, while China had only three ships: Jiyuan, Yangwei, and Pingyuan. The naval power of the Japanese Navy far surpassed that of the Chinese Navy
Li Hongzhang's assessment of Japan was completely erroneous. This error was not only reflected in his evaluation of the Japanese military strength, which was still based on estimates from 10 years prior, but also in his complete misreading of the political situation in Japan due to the Qing dynasty's system. At that time, Japan's political landscape was quite unstable. The Itō Cabinet faced intense criticism from public opinion and the Diet for its lack of progress in negotiating amendments to the unequal treaties with Britain, being labeled as a "weak and incompetent cabinet." The Diet even proposed impeachment motions against the cabinet, making it appear as though the Itō Cabinet was in a precarious situation, beset by both internal and external challenges, and on the verge of collapse.
In October 1893, it was still Yamagata Aritomo representing the military department who submitted a "Military Preparedness Proposal" to the Cabinet. In this proposal, Yamagata pointed out that "Europe currently maintains a balance of power, and the likelihood of war occurring in the short term is extremely low. The great powers are focusing their efforts on planning invasions of Asia; in particular, the Siberian railway being constructed by Russia may be completed within ten years. Japan must prepare its military within these years, which will not only ensure that we are not harmed in the event of conflict but also allow us to seize greater benefits... At that time, our enemies will not be China, nor Korea, but the British, French, and Russians."
Subsequently, on July 25, the Grand Court Minister replaced the cabinet and notified Tang Shaoyi, the Qing Dynasty's envoy to Korea, of Korea's unilateral abrogation of all diplomatic treaties existing between Korea and the Qing Dynasty. Furthermore, it demanded the immediate withdrawal of all Qing troops stationed in Yashan and all vessels of the Beiyang Fleet in the waters off Feng Island.
This Xiaochuan later became a General in the Army, the commander of the 4th Division, and was the father-in-law of General Matsuyama Gen, who committed suicide after Japan's defeat in World War II
This military plan was formulated by the army, so the army has long been prepared. Now that the Navy's three scenic ships have been completed, the Navy is also considered to be ready. Everyone is just waiting for the opportunity to engage in war with the Qing Dynasty.
At this moment, the war had actually already begun
The Japanese army had long been prepared for combat with the Qing Dynasty
Therefore, Yuan Shikai, who fundamentally failed to discern Japan's intentions, made the judgment that "even if Japan sends troops, it will only be similar to the previous two times, with a few hundred men to protect their embassy's safety." On June 1, Yuan Shikai sent a telegram to Li Hongzhang requesting to dispatch troops. The next day, Sugimura Jun personally visited Yuan Shikai to confirm that Korea had decided to borrow troops, and Yuan Shikai had already sent a telegram to Li Hongzhang detailing the request for troop deployment.
Why did Major General Da Niao Guijie leave the military? One reason is that he was said to have a good understanding of military theory, but his practical operations were lacking, as he consistently lost battles without ever winning. Da Niao humorously reassured himself by saying, "Although I lack the talent of a general, I possess the tools of a general; no matter how I lose, I always maintain my composure." However, despite not being a talented general, it was estimated that he could temporarily command the advance team to deal with Yuan Shikai before the arrival of the main force, especially since the large contingent was on its way.
At the same time, the Japanese Chargé d'Affaires ad interim in Beijing, Komura Jutaro, notified the Prime Minister's Office, stating that according to the Treaty of Tianjin, "due to the significant disturbances currently occurring in Korea, our country intends to send troops, and the government plans to dispatch a contingent of soldiers." This was also communicated by Yuan Shikai to Li Hongzhang, indicating that the purpose of the Japanese government's troop deployment was merely to "protect the embassy, with no other intentions." Both Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai believed they could justify their positions without further consideration. However, they were later taken aback when they learned the number of Japanese troops being dispatched. It was not merely a few hundred for the purpose of "protecting the embassy," but rather a composite brigade of seven thousand men!
In his memoirs, Wei Te wrote: "That is to say, we are more civilized and enlightened than the Chinese." Li Hongzhang was merely a servant of the Empress Dowager, and his honor and disgrace depended solely on her moods. He could not comprehend the functioning of a cabinet under a parliamentary system, nor could he grasp the significance of public opinion. In the eyes of Li Hongzhang and others, the Ito Cabinet was preoccupied with its own affairs and completely incapable of diverting resources to compete with the Qing Dynasty for Korea. However, Li Hongzhang was unaware that Ito Hirobumi did not need to be accountable to the constantly mentioned "His Majesty the Emperor." Provoking foreign wars was a common tactic employed by modern governments to divert public attention and ease domestic conflicts. In the eyes of Li Hongzhang and others, the Ito Cabinet was preoccupied with its own affairs and completely incapable of diverting resources to compete with the Qing Dynasty for Korea. However, Li Hongzhang was unaware that Ito Hirobumi did not need to be accountable to the constantly mentioned "His Majesty the Emperor." Provoking foreign wars was a common tactic employed by modern governments to divert public attention and ease domestic conflicts.
What is your plan
However, they refuse to withdraw their troops and instead turn the tables, shifting the responsibility for the war onto China
The situation is developing according to Itō Hirobumi's calculations. On June 1, after receiving a telegram from Sugimura, Itō immediately summoned Deputy Chief of Staff General Kawakami Sōroku. Upon hearing Itō's remark, "It seems Yuan Shikai has finally brought the Qing army into Korea," Kawakami surprisingly responded, "As expected." It turns out that Kawakami instinctively sensed that the opportunity for Japan to dispatch troops to Korea had arrived when the Donghak Peasant Revolution first began. He promptly dispatched Major Izuchi Kōsuke, who later served as the Chief of the Operations Department of the General Staff, and the commander of the 11th Division, to the Korean Peninsula to gather intelligence, and he had just returned to Tokyo on May 31.
Ito asked Kawakami
In response to Li Hongzhang's aspirations, Japan's reply was the landing of the second batch of the First Mixed Brigade at Incheon on June 27. On July 14, Komura Jutaro, who had just been promoted from temporary envoy to Japan's envoy to Qing, delivered Japan's "Second Note of Severance" to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, stating, "It has been observed that there have been frequent disturbances in Korea, stemming from internal chaos. Our government believes that in order for that country to rectify its internal governance and prevent disturbances from arising, there is no better way than for our two countries to work together, as the relationship between our two countries and that country has always been tense. Therefore, we put forth this intention to the Qing government, but to our surprise, the Qing government was adamantly opposed, only hoping for troop withdrawal, which left our government deeply astonished. Recently, we have heard that the British minister in Beijing, concerned about maintaining good relations, is very eager for Japan and Qing to reconcile and has made efforts to mediate. However, the Qing government continues to insist solely on troop withdrawal, showing no regard for our government's intentions. From the above, it can be concluded that the Qing government is indeed inclined to create trouble. What good can come of this? Consequently, unforeseen changes may arise, and our government cannot be held responsible for that.
What proposals might Yuan Shikai have? Yuan Shikai had long been planning to intervene more actively in Korea, and the recent Donghak Peasant Movement was a perfect opportunity for direct military action. Did Yuan Shikai know that according to the Treaty of Tianjin, once China deployed troops, Japan would also have the right to do so? He was aware of this, and he knew that Japan would certainly send troops, but he did not know how Japan would deploy them.
The Meiji government did not make things difficult for him; instead, they sent him to Europe and America for research. Upon his return, he became the president of the Ministry of Industry University (the predecessor of the Faculty of Engineering at the University of Tokyo) and engaged in industrial activities. His contributions were significant in the cultivation of scientific and technological talent in Japan, as well as in the development of important industries such as cement, glass, shipbuilding, textiles, petroleum, railways, and mining. In fact, his appointment as Minister to Qing and Minister to Korea largely reflected the demands of the Japanese industrial sector for expansion abroad. His contributions were significant in the cultivation of scientific and technological talent in Japan, as well as in the development of important industries such as cement, glass, shipbuilding, textiles, petroleum, railways, and mining. In fact, his appointment as Minister to Qing and Minister to Korea largely reflected the demands of the Japanese industrial sector for expansion abroad
However, even if it is a cult, there must be popular reasons behind it. After the assassination of Choi Ji-woo, there were successors; the second-generation leader Choi Se-hyung soon gained significant momentum in the southern region. Their rallying cry was "Avenge the leader, expel the Japanese and Westerners." In March 1893, members of the Donghak Party entered Hanseong to directly appeal to the king for justice. At that time, they had not yet resorted to armed rebellion. Once they entered Hanseong, they acted according to the situation, retracting the slogan "Avenge the leader" and only emphasizing "Expel the Japanese and Westerners" to drive out the Japanese.
During this period of organizational preparation, the Japanese military maintained a low profile. This was the reason why Japan did not take aggressive actions during the "Renwu Mutiny" and the "Jiachen Coup," thus avoiding war with the Qing army. However, it was precisely this low profile that led Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai to relax their vigilance towards Japan, mistakenly believing that Japan was merely a "small nation" that posed no threat to the Qing dynasty
In the first scenario, the Japanese army engages in a decisive battle with the Qing army in the plains near Zhili; in the second scenario, the Japanese army strives to secure Korea; in the third scenario, it simultaneously completes domestic defense while assisting the Fifth Division
The army dispatched by Li Hongzhang landed in Yashan, Korea, via the sea in three batches. The first batch, consisting of 910 men led by the vanguard General Nie Shicheng from Taiyuan, departed from Tanggu at 6 PM on June 6 and arrived at the Yashan seaport at 6 PM on June 8. The next day, they disembarked and advanced into Zhayashan County. The second batch, led by Governor Ye Zhichao from Zhili, comprised 1,055 men who traveled on the ships Haiyan and Dinghai, arriving at Yashan seaport at 3 PM on the 10th. The third batch, consisting of 500 men led by General Xia Qingyun, crossed the sea on the Haiding ferry and arrived at Yashan County on the 25th. At this time, the number of Qing troops stationed in Yashan reached 2,465.
After Ito Yuheng arrived in Incheon, he immediately met with Onodera Keisuke aboard the Yae Island to discuss the plan for advancing troops. At that time, it was decided that, in addition to the Marine Corps accompanying Onodera, Ito would also draw personnel from each ship to form a joint landing force for protection. The joint landing force was commanded by Matsushima's deputy captain, Navy Lieutenant Commander Yamaguchi Shinkichi, who also served as the battalion commander, with Navy Lieutenant Nakagawa Tojiro as the battalion adjutant, and Navy Lieutenants Shimamura Hayao and Inoue Tamotsu as battalion staff officers, totaling over 400 soldiers. That night, around 10 PM, the entire landing force disembarked and was stationed in the Japanese concession of Incheon. The joint landing force was commanded by Matsushima's deputy captain, Navy Lieutenant Commander Yamaguchi Shinkichi, who also served as the battalion commander, with Navy Lieutenant Nakagawa Tojiro as the battalion adjutant, and Navy Lieutenants Shimamura Hayao and Inoue Tamotsu as battalion staff officers, totaling over 400 soldiers. That night, around 10 PM, the entire landing force disembarked and was stationed in the Japanese concession of Incheon
The "Donghak Peasant Revolution" is referred to as the "Gapsin Peasant War" in South Korea and North Korea. In February of that year, a rebellion against the county magistrate Zhao Bingjia occurred in Jeolla Province, led by a Donghak member named Jeon Byeong-jun. Donghak, which emerged in the mid-19th century on the Korean Peninsula, is a folk association that is half-religious and half-superstitious, somewhat similar to the later Boxer Rebellion in China. It claims to be a synthesis of Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, often reciting a single-character incantation, which is said to prevent illness if repeated frequently and to realize an egalitarian society where heaven and humanity are one.
Ito Hirobumi is currently employing this method
However, Li Xi was unable to make a decisive decision. Firstly, there were objections from court officials who believed that using foreign troops to suppress one's own people was somewhat inappropriate. Furthermore, Li Xi himself was concerned about whether the Japanese and Russian forces would join in the fray if he relied on the Qing army. However, with the fall of Gyeongju and the ensuing turmoil in the capital region, he could no longer afford to worry about internal and external matters. As for the situation with Japan and Russia, Min Yongjun confidently asserted that Lord Yuan Shikai had his own plans and that nothing would go wrong.
The opportunity has finally arrived
Yuan Shikai was stunned, and Li Hongzhang was bewildered
At this point, both the Korean government and figures like Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai were taken aback. Initially, they had not anticipated that Japan would send troops, and surprisingly, Li Hongzhang had not seriously considered the possibility of Japan declaring war on China. What Li Hongzhang could think of was merely that Japan's military intervention in Korea hindered his further direct control over Korea. Even as Japanese forces landed, he was still dreaming of a joint withdrawal of Chinese and Japanese troops. What Li Hongzhang could think of was merely that Japan's military intervention in Korea hindered his further direct control over Korea. Even as Japanese forces landed, he was still dreaming of a joint withdrawal of Chinese and Japanese troops.
Then, on the morning of the 10th, we departed from Incheon and entered Seoul in the afternoon, arriving at the embassy at 6:45 PM.
After receiving orders from the General Staff, Major General Nozumi Michinori, the commander of the 5th Division, organized two regiments from the 9th Brigade stationed near Ujina, along with cavalry, artillery, logistics, and medical units, into a composite brigade totaling over 7,600 personnel. The brigade was commanded by Major General Oshima Yoshimasa, who was accompanied by two staff officers: one was Lieutenant Colonel Fukushima Yasumasa, the pioneer of Japanese Army intelligence work, and the other was Major Uehara Yuzaku, who had been a Marshal and Army General in the Japanese Army for over a decade following Yamagata Aritomo. Originally, the brigade was supposed to depart together once the full organization was completed. However, a few days prior, Lieutenant Colonel Kamio Mitsuomi, the military attaché at the Japanese legation in Tianjin, sent a telegram stating that the first batch of Qing Dynasty expeditionary forces was scheduled to depart from Shanhaiguan on the 6th. Consequently, without waiting for the composite brigade to be fully organized, the commander of the 1st Battalion of the 11th Regiment, Major Iwato Heibei, was dispatched with his battalion to land at Incheon on the 12th and, after entering Seoul on the 13th, came under the direct command of Otori. Originally, the brigade was supposed to depart together once the full organization was completed. However, a few days prior, Lieutenant Colonel Kamio Mitsuomi, the military attaché at the Japanese legation in Tianjin, sent a telegram stating that the first batch of Qing Dynasty expeditionary forces was scheduled to depart from Shanhaiguan on the 6th. Consequently, without waiting for the composite brigade to be fully organized, the commander of the 1st Battalion of the 11th Regiment, Major Iwato Heibei, was dispatched with his battalion to land at Incheon on the 12th and, after entering Seoul on the 13th, came under the direct command of Otori.
As early as the previous year, when the Donghak Party began to take action, there were already individuals within the Korean government proposing to borrow troops from the Qing Dynasty. Moreover, Park Jaichun, an official from the Korean Internal Affairs Office, had discussed this matter with King Gojong and Yuan Shikai. Yuan Shikai believed that the Donghak Party was merely a disorganized group and not worth causing a stir or creating an international issue. Additionally, borrowing troops from the Qing Dynasty would require Korea to bear the military expenses, which was a burden for a country that was already not well-off. Even if there were funds available, they would prefer to reserve them for their own use. Therefore, seeing that the Donghak Party had quieted down, this matter was no longer brought up, and naturally, the question of whether to implement reforms went unaddressed.
However, as soon as the Qing army began its actions, the Japanese changed their stance
This time, the Eastern Learning Party is advancing with great momentum, and it is unlikely to end without consequences. The question of whether to borrow troops from the Qing Dynasty has resurfaced. Hong Qixun, the governor of Hunan and Hubei, has secretly reported to the court, proposing to borrow foreign troops for suppression. The most proactive advocate for borrowing troops from the Qing Dynasty is Min Yongjun, supported by King Gojong of Korea and Queen Min.
The journey from Tianjin to Incheon takes two days and nights, while the trip from Moji (located in the present-day Kitakyushu City, Fukuoka Prefecture) to Incheon requires four days and nights," Kawakami excitedly reported
Yamashita also predicted: "Within ten years, the relationship between our country and Russia will inevitably break down. Before that, we must ensure Korea, so we should consider conducting the war against Qing as soon as possible; this is an absolutely crucial prerequisite." The opinions expressed in this memorandum actually represent Yamashita submitting on behalf of the Army General Staff the "Plan for the Campaign Against Qing," which was initiated in 1887 under the leadership of Major General Kawakami Sōroku, the Deputy Chief of the General Staff, and developed by Colonel Ogawa Yōji, the Director of the Second Bureau of the General Staff. The formulation of this plan took four years, ultimately resulting in two sets of proposals, A and B. Proposal B was aimed at dealing with the Russians, while Proposal A was directed against the Qing Empire.
However, this uprising in Jeolla Province is fundamentally different from the previous Donghak Peasant Movement, which resembled a form of superstition. It is a rebellion driven by the oppression of the people by the government. The Korean farmers can no longer survive under the ruthless exploitation of corrupt officials. Under the governance of Zhao Bingjia, the sale of official positions and the imposition of exorbitant taxes have become rampant. A thatched house is required to pay over 100 gold pieces in taxes annually, and ten acres of rice paddies are subjected to a rent of four stones. The farmers have no choice but to take desperate measures and rise in revolt.
That being said, even if Li Hongzhang had withdrawn the troops at that time, it would have been of no use; the Qing Dynasty would not strive for strength, while Japan was plotting its rise. In a few years, Japan would still find opportunities, and the Qing Dynasty would inevitably face defeat again
In a tumult of thunder and lightning, there are only five days left until South Korea formally notifies the Qing court of its request for military assistance
Witte confidently said to Li Hongzhang: "His Majesty Tsar Nicholas II knows everything." It is said that Li Hongzhang was very surprised upon hearing this: "I do not understand the significance of this. When I was governor, 10 million people died from the plague, yet our Emperor knew nothing about it. How can you burden His Majesty with these trivial matters?"
How to deal with the insurgents became the greatest challenge for the Korean government, which at that time no longer had the capacity to suppress the insurgents. The possible options were to negotiate with the insurgents or to borrow troops from the Qing court to suppress them.
The large contingent is indeed on its way. By June 16, Major General Oshima had already landed at Renchuan with nearly 3,000 troops. Along with the advance team led by Captain Iku, approximately half of the First Mixed Brigade, totaling around 4,000 personnel, had arrived. Additionally, with the eight naval vessels—Matsushima, Yoshino, Chiyoda, Yaeyama, Chikushi, Yamato, Kaohsiung, and Akagi—the forces significantly outnumbered the Chinese military, establishing absolute superiority. The entire mixed brigade of 8,000 troops completed their landing at Renchuan on June 27. By this time, the Japanese forces had fully deployed in the vicinity of Seoul and were ready to engage in combat at any moment. Furthermore, with the eight naval vessels—Matsushima, Yoshino, Chiyoda, Yaeyama, Chikushi, Yamato, Kaohsiung, and Akagi—the forces significantly outnumbered the Chinese military, establishing absolute superiority. The entire mixed brigade of 8,000 troops completed their landing at Renchuan on June 27. By this time, the Japanese forces had fully deployed in the vicinity of Seoul and were ready to engage in combat at any moment.
In fact, despite the foolishness, the turmoil caused by the Donghak Party has surprisingly subsided
On June 6, the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded to Wang Fengzao: "Your country's note contains the phrase 'protected vassal state', but the Imperial Government has never recognized the Kingdom of Korea as a vassal state of China." This led to a dispute with Wang Fengzao, who was asked to amend the statement, but he "firmly refused to alter the wording." Li Hongzhang also telegraphed Wang Fengzao: "In our document, the phrase 'old practice of protected vassal states' is clearly evidenced by past events, known to all nations. Japan does not recognize Korea as a Chinese vassal, yet we follow our own laws and cannot disrupt our established practices. Therefore, regardless of Japan's recognition, it is difficult to make any amendments."
Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai only knew that the Yaeyama ship was taking them to Korea, accompanied by the prominent figure Otori Keisaku, who had a police inspector from the Metropolitan Police Department with him. However, they were unaware that there were also 200 Marine Corps soldiers on board the Yaeyama ship. Even less did they know that Otori Keisaku was carrying the directive from Foreign Minister Mutsu Munemitsu, which stated, "It is evident that one should act according to circumstances and not be bound by peaceful resolutions"
The Li Dynasty regarded Donghak as a heretical cult and suppressed it, culminating in the execution of the first generation leader, Choi Je-u, in 1864
Indeed, at the cabinet meeting held on June 2, Minister of the Navy Saigo Takamori noticed the distinction between "mixed brigades" and "brigades," as he was originally the Minister of the Army. However, Saigo merely frowned, considering the Army's actions somewhat dubious, akin to petty tricks. If stated openly, who would dare to voice any objections? It would not pass muster with Saigo.
Behind the Grand Minister stood the Japanese Envoy, Otori Keisuke, along with the combined fleet of the Japanese Army and Navy. This was the Japanese Empire declaring war on the Qing Dynasty, albeit not formally
Otori was a diplomat who could command an army. Indeed. At that time, Japan did not have a civil service system; these individuals emerged from the civil wars surrounding the overthrow of the shogunate. However, Otori was somewhat unique; he was not part of the Meiji government but rather aligned with the shogunate, a staunch hardliner. After fleeing Edo with a group known as the "Shinshū-tai," he faced repeated defeats yet continued to fight, retreating all the way to Hokkaido. It was only after his forces were completely depleted that he surrendered to the Meiji army in Hakodate (now Hakodate City). However, Otori was somewhat unique; he was not part of the Meiji government but rather aligned with the shogunate, a staunch hardliner. After fleeing Edo with a group known as the "Shinshū-tai," he faced repeated defeats yet continued to fight, retreating all the way to Hokkaido. It was only after his forces were completely depleted that he surrendered to the Meiji army in Hakodate (now Hakodate City)
What did Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai think about this matter
On August 15, 1882, shortly after the conclusion of the "Imo Incident" in Korea, General Yamaguchi of the Army presented a memorandum. In this memorandum, Yamaguchi stated that "the European countries are far removed from us and of little concern"; Japan's potential enemy should be the Qing Dynasty, which is "directly nearby." He argued that if preparations for war against the Qing were not immediately expanded, then "with whom can the Empire discuss maintaining independence, and with whom can it speak of prosperity?" Yamaguchi proposed that the Army's operational objective should shift to conducting mobile warfare on the continent, transforming the current defensive garrison system into an offensive division system. His suggestions received the support of the Cabinet and the military authorities. By 1888, the existing garrisons in Tokyo, Sendai, Nagoya, Osaka, Hiroshima, and Kumamoto were reorganized into the First to Sixth Divisions, thereby preparing organizationally for war against the Qing Dynasty.
On July 23, the Combined Fleet set sail from Sasebo and arrived in Incheon on the evening of the 24th. On the night of July 23, the First Brigade of the Combined Brigade, under the command of Minister Ootori Keisuke, launched an attack on the Korean royal palace, subsequently reinstating Daewon-gun to take control of the government. The first order issued by Daewon-gun was to appoint Ootori Keisuke as the political advisor to the King of Korea
From the onset of the Dongxue Party turmoil, Japan has been closely monitoring the developments, as the Pingyuan ship of the Beiyang Fleet had previously assisted Korea in troop transport. Therefore, the Japanese were aware that the Qing Dynasty would not remain uninvolved; what they did not know was the scale and timing of the Qing court's military deployment. The acting minister at the embassy in Korea, Sugimura Jun, upon learning that the King of Korea had decided to request troops from the Qing Dynasty, specifically dispatched secretary Zheng Yongbang to Yuan Shikai to convey the message that "our government has no ulterior motives".
However, Li Hongzhang merely believed that the Japanese were nitpicking and intentionally looking for trouble, without realizing that this was Japan preparing to escalate the situation in the future
In Plan A, it is envisioned that in the first phase, the 5th Division will be dispatched to Korea to restrain the Qing army. Subsequently, the continuation of military operations in the second phase will depend on three scenarios, referred to as scenarios A, B, and C. These scenarios are defined as follows: the Japanese Combined Fleet secures naval dominance in the Yellow Sea and Bohai Sea; the Combined Fleet is unable to secure naval dominance in the Yellow Sea and Bohai Sea, but neither can the Beiyang Fleet; and the Beiyang Fleet secures naval dominance in the Yellow Sea and Bohai Sea.
When Komura Jutaro, the Japanese chargé d'affaires in Qing, who also concurrently served as the chargé d'affaires in Korea, reported Japan's military deployment to Li Hongzhang in Tianjin, Li Hongzhang, still puzzled, asked why Japan was deploying troops when Korea had not requested assistance. Komura's response was: "According to the Treaty of Tianjin, Japan has the right to deploy troops to Korea, provided that prior notification is given." At the age of 71, Li Hongzhang had yet to realize the gravity of the situation, continuing to regard Korea as a small nation, a mere speck of land, gathering the armies of two countries. Komura's response was: "According to the Treaty of Tianjin, Japan has the right to deploy troops to Korea, provided that prior notification is given." At the age of 71, Li Hongzhang had yet to realize the gravity of the situation, continuing to regard Korea as a small nation, a mere speck of land, gathering the armies of two countries. Even if there was no intention to provoke, there was still the fear of an accidental spark leading to conflict, which could pressure the young Komura Jutaro, who was only 39 years old.
What Li Hongzhang did was precisely what Japan hoped for. Initially, there was a desire for both sides to withdraw their troops simultaneously. On June 22, the Japanese government issued the "First Diplomatic Break-off Letter," firmly stating: "If it contradicts the views of your government, I absolutely cannot withdraw the troops currently stationed in Korea." After this shattered Li Hongzhang's illusions, he still did not prepare for a decisive battle, but rather fantasized about relying on the intervention of the powers to dissuade Japan from its schemes to interfere in Korea. The Japanese government issued the "First Diplomatic Break-off Letter," firmly stating: "If it contradicts the views of your government, I absolutely cannot withdraw the troops currently stationed in Korea." After this shattered Li Hongzhang's illusions, he still did not prepare for a decisive battle, but rather fantasized about relying on the intervention of the powers to dissuade Japan from its schemes to interfere in Korea.
With the Donghak Peasant Movement having been quelled, there was no longer any reason for foreign troops to remain stationed on the Korean Peninsula. If Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai could recognize this and proactively withdraw their troops from Korea unilaterally, it would represent their last opportunity for a graceful exit. This does not imply that Japan would abandon its ambitions of aggression towards Korea and subsequently the mainland simply because the Qing court withdrew its troops. Rather, at that time, Japan was indeed a small nation that needed a pretext to carry out any nefarious actions. If the Qing were to withdraw its forces, Japan, due to its diplomatic isolation, would have no choice but to retreat from Korea and await future opportunities. Therefore, the primary focus of Japan at that time was to prevent the Qing from withdrawing its troops from Korea. To muddle the waters, Japan proposed a plan for "jointly promoting internal reforms in Korea by China and Japan," a proposal that it knew the Qing could never accept, in order to buy time.
The North Korean court and the Donghak Party, upon seeing the large military presence of Japan and China, were poised for war on Korean soil, leading class conflicts to give way to national conflicts. The government successfully negotiated with the Donghak Party, resulting in the signing of the "Gyeongju Treaty," which included provisions such as: "Cease the persecution of rebels and Donghak followers, work together to maintain social order; severely punish corrupt officials, tyrannical wealthy individuals, and unscrupulous Confucian scholars; destroy documents related to slavery; improve the treatment of low-status individuals; allow young widows to remarry; abolish all oppressive taxes and fees; break down the barriers of aristocratic families and promote talented individuals; severely punish those who collude with Japan; cancel all public and private debts and redistribute land equally." The Donghak Party's righteous army also withdrew from Gyeongju, bringing an end to the turmoil
The opportunity that Ito Hirobumi, Yamagata Aritomo, and Kawakami Osei had been waiting for has arrived. The "Donghak Peasant Revolution" that began in early 1893 provided the Japanese with an excellent opportunity
The big bird did not come to take up a post; he came to the scene to direct how to create a pretext for war
This means that Japan must act two full days ahead of its opponents to achieve a draw. Ito smiled and said, "Immediately convene a cabinet meeting to discuss the issue of troop deployment." "Your Excellency," Kawakami said mysteriously, "the Minister of the Army will propose sending a mixed brigade at the cabinet meeting, and I hope Your Excellency can support it." Ito Hirobumi, being a man of letters, did not understand the true meaning of Kawakami's words. Kawakami explained to Ito that the cabinet might oppose plans for large-scale troop deployment. Therefore, the strategy discussed among Minister of the Army Oyama Iwao, Chief of Staff Prince Arisugawa Taruhito, and Deputy Kawakami was to adopt the name of a "mixed brigade" for the deployment. At that time, the Japanese army's standard brigade consisted of fewer than 3,000 men, but by using the designation of a "mixed brigade," along with engineers, artillery, and others, the number could exceed 7,000.
Li Hongzhang was indeed engaged in managing foreign affairs, yet he was quite ignorant of the world. Sergei Yulyevich Witte, who once served as the Minister of Transport and Finance for the Russian Empire, mentioned in his memoirs a conversation with Li Hongzhang. This took place after Li Hongzhang attended the coronation of Tsar Nicholas II in 1896. During their discussion, when the tragic incident was brought up in which over 3,000 people were crushed to death due to the crowding of well-wishers, Li Hongzhang remarked, "Your Majesty is not aware of this, is that correct?"
Since the "Kim Ok-kyun Incident," the Japanese envoy to Korea, Otori Keisuke, has been in Japan under the guise of "leave." On June 5, the day the headquarters was established, he boarded the "Yaeyama" with 200 Marine Corps personnel escorting him back to Korea. Meanwhile, five Japanese naval vessels slowly made their way from Busan to Incheon. On the same day, Major General Oshima Yoshimasa, commander of the 9th Brigade, also led the advance units of the first mixed brigade, recently formed from the 5th Division, departing from Hiroshima's Ujina Port, under the protection of naval vessels. At the same time, five Japanese naval vessels were also slowly making their way from Busan to Incheon. On the same day, Major General Oshima Yoshimasa led the advance units of the first mixed brigade, recently formed from the 5th Division, departing from Hiroshima's Ujina Port, under the protection of naval vessels.