The reasons for the emergence of local tyrants and evil gentry during the Republic of China

Tan Kongyao, a local landlord in Badong in 1886, was the commander of the district defense corps and the captain of the district joint defense regiment, one of the "regimental lords" in Badong. He dominated the area, oppressing the common people. In 1936, he was executed by the Nationalist Party's Military Commission in Wuhan. His period of power lasted from 1920 to 1930

He studied for a few decades and collected rent in dozens of stones, contracted the tax of Niugang, and once served as a clerk in the county's criminal office, as well as a surveyor for the inferior gentry

Liu Tuyuan Middle School graduate, a landlord with rental income exceeding 1,000 stones, is the second largest landlord in the county, yet remains inactive and holds no power in the county

The above examples illustrate that during this period, the Chinese countryside experienced a phenomenon of talent depletion and educational decline. The cultural ecological structure of rural areas had become imbalanced and degenerated. In traditional Chinese society, clans generally possessed a considerable number of educational lands, charitable lands, as well as clan schools and charitable schools, allowing a significant portion of clan members, regardless of wealth, to receive support from their clans and acquire a certain level of cultural knowledge. However, after the abolition of the imperial examination system, with the decline of traditional literati gentry, the deterioration of clan systems and educational lands, charitable lands, clan schools, and charitable schools, the literacy rate among the rural population fell even below that of the 19th century. Before the 19th century, the average literacy rate among the population during the Qing Dynasty was approximately 20%, while in many regions during the Republic of China period, the literacy rate was below this figure. For instance, the average literacy rate in Hubei Province around the time of the Anti-Japanese War was only 16%. If we consider only the literacy rate of the rural population, the proportion was even lower. According to general observations during the Anti-Japanese War, the literacy rate among soldiers was below 10%. By this measure, the literacy level of Chinese farmers at that time was indeed not high.

Peng Zijing, a former Qing scholar, collected a rent of 300 shi and served as a county inspector during the late Qing Dynasty. In the early Republic, he held the position of clerk in the county finance bureau and was one of the "Five Generals of Xinyu".

(1) The three "new gentry" of Dongjin Town, Xiangyang County, Hubei, in the early years of the Republic of China

Through this monograph, several pieces of information are shocking. The first is that a large number of intellectuals actually existed in China's feudal society. In this monograph, it is reported that there were more than 300 xiucai in Xunyu County. Please remember, it is more than 300 xiucai. It is worth noting that when the author attended high school in a relatively affluent county in Sichuan at the end of the 1990s, there were only 3 high schools in the entire county, with merely over 1,500 high school students enrolled. This was already the result of more than twenty years of reform and opening up. If we push back another 20 years to 1978, it remains a significant question whether there were even 300 high school students enrolled in the entire county at that time. It is worth noting that when the author attended high school in a relatively affluent county in Sichuan at the end of the 1990s, there were only 3 high schools in the entire county, with merely over 1,500 high school students enrolled. This was already the result of more than twenty years of reform and opening up. If we push back another 20 years to 1978, it remains a significant question whether there were even 300 high school students enrolled in the entire county at that time

Zhong Xingkui graduated from high school and is now renting out 200 stones as a clerk at the Kuomintang County Party Committee, newly seeking to recruit members.

IV. The Social Composition of Gentry Power during the Republic of China Period

Fan Mingcai collected rent of eighty stones and once served as the head of the county defense regiment, a notorious local gentry.

The same situation also exists in the rural society of Hubei. In the early 1930s, the Hubei Provincial Civil Affairs Department discovered during an investigation that "the current customs in various counties... the most concerning issue is the instability of the gentry in their own villages, as those in the villages are unwilling to step forward and take responsibility... The so-called leniency and ease of governance have undergone a transformation." Based on a rough statistical analysis of the gentry situation in various counties of Hubei at that time (see the table below), approximately 30% of the gentry had left the countryside to reside in cities or other provinces. Among the gentry remaining in the villages, most were aging and declining, adhering to outdated practices. Some maintained their assets and enjoyed rural life, while others were confined by old morals, lacking modern knowledge, and were insufficiently capable of assisting in local governance. Some, due to the chaotic situation, chose to remain aloof and refused to take on responsibilities, while others retreated into ineffectiveness due to the impact of the peasant movements during the Great Revolution. Additionally, there were some unscrupulous gentry who committed wrongs in their villages, acted arbitrarily, or formed factions, leading to internal strife. Truly capable and just gentry who could address the concerns of the people, earn public trust, and collaborate in local governance were exceedingly rare.

Thirdly, after the abolition of the imperial examination system, a vast number of educated individuals found themselves with no prospects. Most either became the lackeys of landlords or sank to the lowest strata of society, which is what we often referred to in the past as Kong Yiji. Meanwhile, some so-called new intellectuals (such as those who had only graduated from elementary school) were even placed on equal footing with certain scholars. It is important to note that in the past, administrative institutions below the county level primarily relied on local gentry for maintenance, which was akin to local self-governance. If during the Republic of China era, the rulers had recognized the importance of the old intellectuals and utilized them effectively, the rural governance order in China would not have been thoroughly disrupted. How then could the idea of encircling the cities from the countryside have emerged?

Yi Song Zhou, a refined scholar from the Qing Dynasty, collected a rent of 200 stones from a poor gentry.

Ran Zuolin, born in 1890 in Lichuan, was the son of a late Qing dynasty graduate. He was a just gentleman, a landlord, and a businessman, who undertook tax collection as a team leader, served as the captain of the local militia, and led a self-defense unit. He was a prominent figure in Lichuan, dominating the area and wielding power from 1917 to 1941

The abolition of the imperial examination system and the establishment of schools occurred simultaneously at the end of the Qing Dynasty. Logically, as the last generation of gentry under the examination system declined, it should have been the time for the rise of intellectuals under the new educational system. However, unlike traditional gentry, the new intellectuals were no longer at the top of the four social classes. In traditional society, the gentry, as the foremost of the four classes, maintained an organic connection with the other three. Especially in grassroots society, "the words and actions of local gentry were heavily relied upon by the community." With the abolition of the examination system and the disintegration of the four-class society, the governance and moral authority gradually separated; the modern intellectuals cultivated by the new educational system floated freely in society, largely alienated from the farmers and the industrial and commercial classes, making it difficult for them to gain the trust of the masses. This was particularly evident in rural society. In the 1930s, an article in "Women's Monthly" meticulously described the perception of new intellectuals and bookish individuals in the eyes of rural people.

The East has been searching for a relatively objective and authoritative monograph on rural issues. This paper is the most substantial, fair, and authoritative monograph that the East has found, authored by Wang Qisheng

Wang Xiangu, born in Enshi in 1893, had both his father and uncle as licentiates during the Qing Dynasty. He served as the president of the county chamber of commerce, operated a private school, engaged in opium trade, was a leader of the Han opium trafficking group, and held the position of vice president of the county merchant group and president of the chamber of commerce. His ancestors were the most powerful local gentry during the late Qing and early Republic periods. He became wealthy through opium trafficking, initially aligning himself with warlords and later joining the Kuomintang. His period of influence spanned from the 1920s to the 1940s.

In 1933, during a rural survey conducted by the Rural Revival Committee of the Executive Yuan of the National Government in Changshu, Jiangsu, they encountered a middle school student with great difficulty, leading them to write in their survey diary: "We have traversed many villages, but this is the first time we have encountered a middle school student." Since the cultural center of China began to shift southward during the Southern Song Dynasty, the regions of Jiangsu and Zhejiang have long been a rich cultural reservoir. However, it is surprising that during this period, the rural areas of southern Jiangsu had become so devoid of middle school students, raising the question of what kind of cultural decline might be observed in the rural areas of other regions of China at that time.

In fact, the estrangement between the lower classes and the new intellectuals is a two-way interaction. In traditional Chinese society, the gentry were mostly centered around rural communities, and their scope for expansion was primarily in the "local" or "village" areas, which were beyond the reach of the national bureaucratic institutions. They engaged in agricultural study in the countryside, and their concerns were mainly rural. A small number of gentry who migrated to towns still maintained close ties with the countryside; to some extent, cities were merely places for daily enjoyment rather than their fundamental abode. Even those who pursued a career after studying often ended their official careers in their forties or fifties, returning to their hometowns to tend to their fields. A small number of gentry who migrated to towns still maintained close ties with the countryside; to some extent, cities were merely places for daily enjoyment rather than their fundamental abode. Even those who pursued a career after studying often ended their official careers in their forties or fifties, returning to their hometowns to tend to their fields.

When the term "gentry" is mentioned, it inevitably brings to mind the concept of "local tyrants and bad gentry." Mr. Zhang Kaiyuan's statement inadvertently reveals the image of the "gentry" in people's minds since the Republic of China. The intermediary group of "gentry" was the first to experience modern fragmentation within the traditional grassroots social structure in China, particularly between officials and the populace.

Fan Xuru began his business in cotton cloth in 1905. He was a landlord and merchant who owned private land, contracted tax collection, served as the captain of the county self-defense militia, district chief, and chairman of the county bank, as well as the head of the county's Sanqing Youth League branch. He held control over the military, political, financial, and cultural powers of the entire county, with successive county magistrates under his influence

Lai Pengchi, a former student of the Qing Dynasty, collected over 500 stones of rent, and the landlord did not engage in external affairs

The decline of traditional gentry

So, how do the three informal power systems below the county level interact and operate? Fei Xiaotong once described in his book "Rural Reconstruction" that first, the orders from the county government are conveyed downwards through the clerks of the government office. These orders are rarely sent directly to each household; instead, they are mostly passed on to the village contract and local protectors. Although the clerks directly represent the rulers and interact with the people, their social status is particularly low, and they are often ridiculed and looked down upon. The gentry do not directly engage with the clerks in governmental affairs. Similarly, the village contract and local protectors also have a difficult job, mostly held in rotation by common people. When the village contract and local protectors receive official matters from the clerks, they must consult the gentry. If the gentry deem it unacceptable, they will return it. If the order is defied, the village contract and local protectors will be sent to the government office by the clerks. Thus, the gentry will intervene through personal connections to negotiate with local officials or escalate the matter to the superiors of the local officials. Once negotiations are successful, the county government's orders are automatically modified, and the village contract and local protectors return to their villages.

Table 1-3 Dynamic Table of 20 Influential Figures in Xunwu County, Jiangxi (Year 930)

As one of the social evils, local tyrants and corrupt gentry have existed throughout history. However, their emergence as a powerful social group is a distorted product of the specific historical context of the Republic of China era

Song Deshan was originally a second-rate character in a rural town. During the Xinhai Revolution, he served as an officer equivalent to a company commander. In this way, he became a gentleman in Dongjin Town who "mixed public and private interests"

Researchers have noted that when the imperial examination system was abolished in 1905, not only did revolutionary publications pay little attention to this matter, but the responses from reformists and conservatives were also quite calm, with neither fervent protests nor jubilant celebrations. At that time, public opinion was largely silent, as if what had been abolished was not a system that had persisted for over a thousand years and was closely tied to the lives and fortunes of scholars. The general explanation suggests that the abolition of the imperial examination had been a topic of discussion and reform for many years, and people had already developed a considerable psychological preparedness. This narrative, however, only captures one aspect of the societal mindset at that time. In reality, the public opinion surrounding the abolition of the imperial examination can be seen as a reflection of the attitudes of a small number of upper-class gentry. It is precisely these upper-class gentry who did not deeply feel the social upheaval caused by the abolition of the examination system. They could continue to enjoy their vested interests or allow their children to occupy new educational opportunities and study abroad, quickly transforming into modern industrialists, new intellectuals, or new-style military personnel.

Zhong Yongliu, born in the year of the Rising Sun, collected a rent of 200 stones. He once served as the Chief of the Wuxue Police Department and the Director of the County Industrial Bureau, a reactionary leader.

However, compared to the traditional literati gentlemen before the late Qing Dynasty, the "new gentlemen" of the Republic of China period evoke a sense of stark contrast in terms of talent and prestige. The resource base they relied upon to dominate grassroots society was coercive military and financial power, rather than the inherent moral authority, external legal authority, and personal charisma that traditional gentry possessed over local society. Among the twelve powerful figures in western Hubei mentioned above, some, under the slogan of "protecting the territory and ensuring the safety of the people," resisted external banditry or opposed the extortion of warlord bureaucrats. Their resource base for controlling grassroots society was coercive military and financial power, rather than the inherent moral authority, external legal authority, and personal charisma that traditional gentry possessed over local society. Among the twelve powerful figures in western Hubei mentioned above, some, under the slogan of "protecting the territory and ensuring the safety of the people," resisted external banditry, opposed the extortion of warlord bureaucrats, or engaged in public welfare projects such as building bridges, repairing roads, and establishing schools for the local community. However, compared to their misdeeds, the former were largely overshadowed by the latter. A few just gentlemen were instead excluded from the realm of local autonomy by these disreputable "local tyrants and bad gentry." Thus, the "local tyrants and bad gentry" became the main rulers of grassroots society during the Republic of China period. A few just gentlemen were instead excluded from the realm of local autonomy by these disreputable "local tyrants and bad gentry." Thus, the "local tyrants and bad gentry" became the main rulers of grassroots society during the Republic of China period

The distrust of rural farmers towards the new intellectuals largely stems from their skepticism regarding the new education system. When the Qing government began reforming the imperial examination system, it also started establishing schools to replace the old private academies. However, a new educational system cannot be established overnight merely through a few edicts. In fact, during the late Qing and early Republic periods, the educational quality of many new schools was often inferior to that of the old private academies. In grassroots rural society, new schools were often more nominal than substantial. It has been recalled that during the early Republic period in Jingdezhen, Jiangxi, there was an unusual phenomenon in education: newly established schools had insufficient student enrollment, while private academies teaching the "Four Books," "Five Classics," "Elementary Learning," "Former Worthy Sayings," and "Three Character Classic" were quite popular.

He graduated from He Tingba High School and is now a clerk at the Kuomintang County Party Committee, collecting over 300 stones in rent and seeking new party members.

Fu Weifeng, a graduate of a primary school from a farming family in Enshi, rose from the ranks of the local militia to become the captain of the militia team, the commander of the joint border defense of three counties, and held authority over a territory of one hundred miles. He was one of the local "military lords" in Enshi, wielding power with an iron fist within his sphere of influence. However, he also undertook some beneficial initiatives for the local community, such as establishing schools and creating postal services. His period of power lasted from 1925 to 1942

Despite the lack of comprehensive statistical materials on rural education in China during this period, even a few scattered cases can provide a glimpse into the situation. In the early 1930s, when Mao Zedong conducted an investigation in Xunwu County, Jiangxi, he discovered that some landlords' children, after obtaining graduation diplomas from Xunwu East Primary School, would flaunt their status, prominently printing the words "Graduate of Xunwu East Primary School" on their business cards, exuding an air of superiority. Moreover, each year, they could share the educational grain and sacrificial meat in the family ancestral hall with the long-established scholars and candidates. In some rural areas, "primary school graduates with basic literacy could pose as intellectuals, behaving like gentlemen, entering public offices, exploiting the local populace, and deceiving the common people at will." In certain places in Sichuan, whenever a family had a child graduate from primary school, relatives and neighbors would celebrate with gongs and drums, setting off firecrackers, akin to the celebrations during the imperial examination era when someone passed the exams.

Name, educational background, economic status, occupation and experience preparation

The table lists 12 local power figures from 7 counties in western Hubei during the Republic of China period, all born between 1884 and 1907, with their periods of influence occurring during the Republic of China. Among the 12 individuals, 4 had fathers with official titles, while 8 did not, and none of them held any official titles themselves. In terms of educational attainment, there was 1 graduate each from secondary school, primary school, and church school, 4 from private academies, 2 with basic literacy, and 1 who was illiterate. It is evident that the resource foundation enabling these 12 individuals to wield power in the landlord society was not based on exceptional education or knowledge.

After the May Fourth Movement, with the dramatic increase in the power of the new intellectuals, traditional gentry gradually retreated from the political and social power center to the margins. Subsequently, the wave of the Great Revolution swept through the southern provinces, and the peasant movement surged, with the gentry's power in rural grassroots society being the first to bear the brunt. Aside from a portion of wealthy and influential gentry who moved to the cities, the small gentry or aged individuals remaining in the countryside either withered away or passively adhered to old ways, most of whom lost their complete social integration ability and transformed into mere landlords and usurers. In 1926, Peng Pai wrote in the "Report on the Haifeng Peasant Movement": "Twenty years ago, there were many tribute officials, scholars, and cultured individuals in the village. Aside from a portion of wealthy and influential gentry who moved to the cities, the small gentry or aged individuals remaining in the countryside either withered away or passively adhered to old ways, most of whom lost their complete social integration ability and transformed into mere landlords and usurers. In 1926, Peng Pai wrote in the 'Report on the Haifeng Peasant Movement': 'Twenty years ago, there were many tribute officials, scholars, and cultured individuals in the village. Now, not only is there no one studying, but even those who wear shoes have disappeared.' This situation is not a unique phenomenon in a corner of Guangdong. In May 1930, when Mao Zedong investigated the rural areas of Xunwu in Jiangxi, he also found that 'in recent years, most scholars have been idle'; 'most of these people are small landlords collecting rents, a small portion teach, and another small portion make a living by practicing medicine.' In May 1930, when Mao Zedong investigated the rural areas of Xunwu in Jiangxi, he also found that 'in recent years, most scholars have been idle'; 'most of these people are small landlords collecting rents, a small portion teach, and another small portion make a living by practicing medicine.'

Zhang Wenhe and Jian Shi have been engaged in the confectionery business since the 1900s. His uncle was a gentleman who graduated from a secondary school, a landlord, and a businessman, serving as the director of the county finance committee, the principal of the county central primary school, and the chairman of the county temporary senate during the 1930s and 1940s. Zhang Wenhe, Fan Xuru, Xu Hairu, and Luo Yumin were collectively known as the "Four Greats of Jian Shi County".

Hu Jingru graduated from high school and became a rent collector, earning 200 stones, and is now a clerk in the county government, involved in land monopolization

However, since the school system replaced the imperial examination, the living conditions and activity spaces of knowledge practitioners have changed. In the past, private schools were scattered across urban and rural towns, whereas today, new schools are primarily concentrated in cities, with universities mostly located in major urban centers and secondary schools predominantly situated in provincial capital cities. According to a survey conducted by the Central Agricultural Experiment Station in 1935 on rural educational institutions across 22 provinces and 961 counties, secondary schools accounted for only 0.7% of rural educational institutions

From the perspective of economic status, these individuals are primarily large and medium landlords, but not all large and medium landlords can become powerful figures. A considerable portion of these landlords, who do not engage in external affairs, are referred to by locals as ineffective "mountain mice." Analyzing the professions and experiences of the 20 individuals listed, most have held county-level public office, and landlords who rely solely on rent for their livelihood find it difficult to enter the gentry class. This remains consistent with the imperial examination era, where participation in local public affairs was a prerequisite; in the terminology of the people of Xunwu at that time, these individuals "could speak on matters at the yamen." Among the 20 individuals, only one is considered "very proper," two are involved in external affairs, while as many as eight are explicitly labeled as "inferior gentry," "local tyrants," and "reactionary leaders."

The examples cited above illustrate that in the late Republic of China, specifically during the period of Kuomintang rule, those who rose to prominence primarily relied on financial resources. Their power and influence were largely derived from participation in local governance, education, commerce, party organizations, and public opinion institutions and groups. They held considerable sway in local affairs, positioning themselves as representatives of local public opinion. The more powerful among them controlled county administration and exerted pressure on county magistrates, while the less powerful monopolized township affairs and dominated local governance. They also engaged in land acquisition and tax contracting, becoming wealthy and influential in their regions. Unlike the 'cliques' of the early Republic, who regarded themselves as 'local emperors' acting independently and resisting the constraints and infiltration of state power, these individuals generally sought political avenues for advancement. Their behavior, in certain respects, continued the gentlemanly role established before the late Qing Dynasty. Thus, although they no longer held traditional titles of merit, they were still referred to as 'gentlemen' by their contemporaries.

Source: Compiled based on the information published in Issue 5 of 1987 of the "Historical and Cultural Materials of Western Hubei"

Xie Zhaofan graduated from middle school and received a rent of 200 stones. He has served as the head of the county defense team and as a secretary in the county government, and is now seeking to be assigned as a member of the new faction

Fan Dezhai, originally a lumberyard apprentice and timber merchant, had very little formal education. During the Xinhai Revolution, he became the local defense corps commander and district chief through connections in the underworld, leveraging his economic and political influence to become a prominent gentleman in Dongjin Town

Source: Mao Zedong: "Investigation of Xunwu", Volume 1 of the Collected Works of Mao Zedong, pages 171-197, People's Publishing House, 1993

(3) Twelve local power figures from seven counties in western Hubei during the Republic of China period

Luo Yumin established a traditional Chinese medicine shop in 1896, possessing a small amount of land and some literacy for business. He managed a sulfur factory and served as the captain of the county self-defense team, a county councilor, and an executive member of the county party committee, holding various positions in the people's representative institutions at different levels

Xiang Zhuoan, born in 1890, came from a family of farmers and was illiterate. He rose to prominence as a bandit, brandishing firearms with pride, and became a well-known figure in Laifeng, referred to as a "tuanfa". In 1933, he was once wanted by the Kuomintang government of Hubei Province. Later, due to his contributions in suppressing communism, he was accepted into the ranks and appointed as an assistant to the Laifeng County Militia Corps. In 1940, he was executed by the Hubei provincial government. His period of power lasted from 1920 to 1940

The grassroots power structure has always been a focal point of research for historians and sociologists both domestically and internationally. Mr. Fei Xiaotong noted as early as the late 1940s that the general situation "from the county government to the door of every household" is "interesting and also very important." Its importance lies in the fact that "this is the key to the negotiation between China's traditional centralized autocratic system and the democratic system of local autonomy. Without understanding this key, traditional Chinese politics cannot be comprehended." Throughout the two thousand years of changes in local government hierarchies in China, the county-level administrative division has been the most stable level of grassroots governance. The reason it is significant is that "this is the key to the negotiation between China's traditional centralized autocratic system and the democratic system of local autonomy. Without understanding this key, traditional Chinese politics cannot be comprehended." In the process of changes in local government hierarchies over the past two thousand years in China, the county-level administrative division has been the most stable level of grassroots governance. The local officials appointed by the emperor are limited to the county level. However, we cannot conclude that there exists a "power vacuum" below the county government. In fact, there are three informal power systems operating in the grassroots society below the county government: the first is the professional bureaucratic group affiliated with the county government. For instance, during the Qing Dynasty, the number of bureaucrats in large counties exceeded one thousand, while even small counties had several hundred. In fact, there are three informal power systems operating in the grassroots society below the county government: the first is the professional bureaucratic group affiliated with the county government. For instance, during the Qing Dynasty, the number of bureaucrats in large counties exceeded one thousand, while even small counties had several hundred. The second is the rural contract and protection groups within quasi-governmental organizations such as the li jia and bao jia, which number in the dozens to hundreds in each county. The third is the gentry group composed of individuals with at least a degree of shengyuan or retired officials. According to research by Zhang Zhongli, the total number of gentry in China reached over one million in the first half of the 19th century, averaging six to seven hundred per county.

Name, place of origin, year of birth, family background and parental occupations, educational level, main profession, power, resources, and notes for reference

After the Xinhai Revolution, against the historical backdrop of the disintegration of the dynastic political system and administrative institutions, did the grassroots social power structure deeply rooted in the old order undergo any changes? If so, what kind of changes occurred? What impact did these changes have on rural society in China during the Republic of China period? This is the issue that this article seeks to explore

Secondly, during the late Qing Dynasty, in the latter period of China's feudal society, the literacy rate in China surprisingly exceeded 20%. This figure was hard to believe in the East, yet it was undeniable. As a child, I thought my grandfather and the elderly men around me had not read much (since I came from a rural area), but to my astonishment, most of them could recite a few lines of the "Three Character Classic" and some could even write a couple of characters with a brush, although they had mostly forgotten it afterward. Now, based on the investigation reports from individuals like Lao Mao, the East believes that we had misunderstood old China in the past. It can be said that at the time of the abolition of the imperial examination system, there existed a very well-established educational system in both urban and rural China. Although it primarily focused on Confucian schools and moral texts, mainly teaching subjects like the abacus, the literacy rate in China was still quite high in the past. If during the Republic of China period, some individuals had utilized this resource, the results would have been quite remarkable.

Pan Mingdian, a former Qing Dynasty tribute scholar, collected over 100 shi in rent and served as the county magistrate and the director of the county education bureau. He was one of the 'Five Tiger Generals of Xunwu' and was known for his propriety

The backgrounds of the three "gentlemen" from Xinxiang are as follows: one is a local hero, one is an apprentice and merchant, and one is a ne'er-do-well. It is evident that they originally belonged to the lower and marginal strata of society. Their ascent to the upper echelons of society and their entry into the ranks of "gentlemen" was no longer through the traditional imperial examination system, but rather through power and force. It is noteworthy that these "gentlemen" of diverse backgrounds were not rejected by the traditional gentlemen of Dongjin Town; on the contrary, it was precisely because they gained the recognition and acceptance of the traditional gentlemen that they were able to join the ranks of "gentlemen." For instance, when Wang Dianjia returned to his hometown, there was not a single gentleman in the town who did not come to pay their respects to him. As a result, Wang's status increased significantly.

Wang Dianjia was originally a prominent figure in the jianghu community. During the Xinhai Revolution, he was a revolutionary and served as a first-level officer in the military. Later, he returned to his hometown and became a gentleman in Dongjin Town, where he handled various matters in the town alongside other gentlemen

The imperial examination system produced a fortunate few each time, and the unsuccessful candidates inevitably experienced a sense of frustration. However, the examination system possessed a function of "self-dissolving frustration." This function stemmed from the absence of age restrictions, which preserved the opportunity and hope for success for every failure. The existence of this opportunity and hope made it difficult for individual unsuccessful candidates to coalesce into a collective social discontent, and it did not create significant political pressure against the existing order. This aspect is markedly different from the new-style school system. "With the cessation of the imperial examination and the limited spread of schools, the number of candidates in various provinces reached no less than tens of thousands, and the number of students exceeded hundreds of thousands. Those over middle age could no longer enter schools... inevitably leading to a lament of being at a dead end." The existence of this opportunity and hope made it difficult for individual unsuccessful candidates to coalesce into a collective social discontent, and it did not create significant political pressure against the existing order. This aspect is markedly different from the new-style school system. "With the cessation of the imperial examination and the limited spread of schools, the number of candidates in various provinces reached no less than tens of thousands, and the number of students exceeded hundreds of thousands. Those over middle age could no longer enter schools... inevitably leading to a lament of being at a dead end." Thus, during the one to two decades following the abolition of the imperial examination, a large number of rural individuals emerged who could neither obtain official titles through the examination nor enter new-style schools for new education, forming a "transitional group." Many students of appropriate age for new schools were also hindered by issues such as teaching staff, textbooks, funding, and school facilities, making it difficult for education to reach the vast rural areas, leaving them to sigh in despair. Consequently, during the one to two decades following the abolition of the imperial examination, a large number of rural individuals emerged who could neither obtain official titles through the examination nor enter new-style schools for new education, forming a "transitional group." The famous journalist Huang Yuanyong from the early Republic of China referred to these floating individuals produced during the transition between the old and new systems as the "vagrant class," which posed a threat to social stability. This group detached from the original structure of existence and could not be absorbed by the new structure of existence like the urban gentry. The channels for upward social mobility were obstructed, leading to a collective alienation and dissatisfaction with reality. This was another contributing factor to the degradation of the rural gentry.

He Zizhen graduated from middle school and attended college without completing his degree. He has served as an elementary school teacher, the director of the county public security bureau, a police captain, and a member of the Kuomintang, known for his poor character.

Fourthly, during the Republic of China period, the so-called new-style talents, as well as the local tyrants and petty gentry who emerged from the past literati, were not only objects of hatred for the Communist Party but also for the Nationalist Party and the people. It is important to note that many former tribute students and scholars far surpassed the current Chinese language teachers in terms of literature; what they lacked was merely knowledge in natural sciences and mathematics. It should be understood that in the mid-1880s, Easterners began their education, with their initial teachers being rough individuals who had only completed three years of elementary school and later served in the military for a few years. After several years of education under these rough individuals, they gradually did not become completely inept. If, during the Republic of China, there had been a utilization of these so-called scholars and tribute students, similar to the early reform and opening-up period, it would have been at least better than the education provided by the rough teacher in the East.

Xu Hairu, born in 1907, was a large landowner. His uncle was a scholar who managed educational institutions, operated a commercial primary school, served as the director of the county's public education institute, was a county council member, and held the position of secretary of the county party committee. He engaged in land acquisition, contracted tax collection, controlled local governance, smuggled goods, and trafficked drugs, while simultaneously maintaining connections with the government and exerting influence over the region

In the various counties of western Hubei, as the influence of the Nanjing National Government deepened, the paths of the "clique leaders" diverged. Some, sensing the changing winds, actively aligned themselves with the Kuomintang, entering the ranks of local governance and provincial and county councilors, thereby continuing to wield their power and resources. Others, however, stubbornly resisted, refusing to comply with national orders, and attempted to maintain their regional dominance. As a result, many were suppressed or subdued by the Kuomintang government under the charges of being "local tyrants and evil gentry"

Wang Ziyuan collected rent amounting to 200 shi and served as the chief gentry of the county's defense corps

During the Republic of China period, how did the gentry experience a collective fragmentation and degradation? To address this question, it is necessary to briefly review the changes in local gentry power following the abolition of the imperial examination system and the collapse of imperial authority in the early 20th century.

The gentry was originally a social group that coexisted with imperial authority. After the abolition of the imperial examination and the overthrow of the monarchy, the gentry's "continuity of succession" was interrupted. According to Zhang Zhongli's calculations, the average ages at which scholars in the Qing Dynasty became shengyuan, juren, and jinshi were 24, 31, and 34 years, respectively, while the average lifespan of the gentry was 57 years. This means that the last generation of gentry in the late Qing Dynasty experienced a natural decline over one or two decades, and by the 1920s and 1930s, very few remained. Furthermore, after the establishment of the Republic of China, the status conferred by the imperial examination no longer held the legal authority it had during the imperial era, losing the protection of the imperial system. In other words, the last generation of gentry in the late Qing Dynasty experienced a natural decline over one or two decades, and by the 1920s and 1930s, very few remained. Additionally, after the establishment of the Republic of China, the status conferred by the imperial examination no longer held the legal authority it had during the imperial era, losing the protection of the imperial system. "Former Qing juren" and "Former Qing jinshi" became historical remnants, no longer serving as a basis for gaining social advantages and power resources. Of course, the legal negation and social abandonment involved a time lag and transition. Therefore, in the early Republic of China, the inertia of the imperial examination system still existed in Chinese society. Particularly in the vast rural grassroots society, the twilight of traditional gentry would continue for a considerable period.

3. Urbanization of Intellectuals

If we were to conduct an on-site investigation in the countryside, we would understand the attitude that the generally uneducated populace holds towards the educated class. In the past, scholars or teachers in the villages wielded significant influence. They were the judges, the commanders, and the leaders of the village; they were the individuals whom the villagers 'admired.' If this scholar or teacher was indeed of high moral character, then his words could become commands. This phenomenon, when viewed negatively, reflects the low level of public knowledge and the expansion of gentry power; however, from a positive perspective, it can also be seen as a communication between the educated and the uneducated. The various institutions in past China were able to gain the adherence of the majority of the populace, which can be attributed to this reason. But what about the students emerging from schools today? Although the knowledge and understanding of the educated class today are superior to those of the past, the people in the countryside hold a completely distrustful attitude towards them, filled with skepticism; they not only are unwilling to listen to their words but also dare not listen to them at all. The implementation of various new policies in China has not yielded results, which is indeed a significant issue. This is because the initiators of these new policies are from the educated class, while the desired effects require the unanimous support of the entire populace. Since the general public is skeptical of knowledge and does not trust the educated, they naturally are unwilling and afraid to follow the new initiatives launched by the educated class. The rebellion of farmers in Yuhang and Lin'an counties in Zhejiang Province in the 22nd year, when they refused to comply with the government's forced breeding of improved silkworm strains, serves as a prime example.

Pan Ming was charged a rent of 10,000 shi, with a total property value of 300,000 yuan. His son has served as the county's finance section chief, the head of the county's defense corps, the county magistrate, and a member of the county party committee, becoming a leader among the local gentry.

Luo Peici, a wealthy gentry who collected rent amounting to 200 shi, once served as the county magistrate

(2) In early 30, 20 influential figures from Xunwu County, Jiangxi.

Hou Weiyi, born in 1891, came from a poor family and roamed the countryside attending private schools. He engaged in the Hanliu movement and served as the captain of the local militia. His influence lasted from 1923 to 1940

Kuang Tailan, a former Qing dynasty scholar, was one of the 'Five Tiger Generals of Xunwu'

It is evident that after the abolition of the imperial examination system, although a group of unscrupulous gentry emerged from the traditional gentry class, who acted arbitrarily in local affairs, by the early 1930s, the last generation of gentry holding degrees from the imperial examinations was on the verge of complete decline

The trend of intellectual urbanization began to take shape in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. At that time, the urbanized intellectuals were primarily a part of the former gentry. It was only after the emergence of a new group of intellectuals that urbanization became a widespread phenomenon. Consequently, there was a historic shift in the distribution center of the elite class in Chinese society. Under the trend of elite urbanization, rural society became a region increasingly abandoned by the elites, with management becoming increasingly disordered. According to the county magistrate of Xiangyang, Hubei Province in 1934: "In recent years, many from the scholar-official class have moved their families to the countryside or settled in other places, while the unemployed proletariat either enlist or join bandits. The majority of the local population are self-sufficient farmers, with very few literate individuals and extremely low educational levels. Thus, nine out of ten village heads are illiterate, and even though the heads of the wards are somewhat better, the number of literate individuals does not reach half. The difficulty in implementing the Baojia system is also one of the reasons for this." The situation in Xiangyang County is a microcosm of the vast rural areas of China at that time.

Moreover, the skepticism and distrust of farmers towards the new education system was an important factor in the existence of private schools. At that time, some pointed out that the subjects taught in new-style schools were "too far removed from rural life and failed to be practical, resulting in students being able to draw cars and airplanes but unable to write promissory notes or land contracts, able to calculate pounds and francs but unable to manage agricultural accounts." In the 1930s, sociologists conducting surveys in rural Hengshan, Hunan, found that local farmers advocated for rural primary schools to "sing and play less, and read more," and demanded the teaching of classical texts. The subjects taught in new-style schools were "too far removed from rural life and failed to be practical, resulting in students being able to draw cars and airplanes but unable to write promissory notes or land contracts, able to calculate pounds and francs but unable to manage agricultural accounts." In the 1930s, sociologists conducting surveys in rural Hengshan, Hunan, found that local farmers advocated for rural primary schools to "sing and play less, and read more," and demanded the teaching of classical texts. I have surveyed several elderly individuals who received private school education, asking why they chose not to attend new schools. Their responses mostly indicated that farmers at that time were distrustful of the new teaching methods and textbooks used in new-style schools. Some said, "New-style schools waste a lot of time on entertainment and sports, sending children to school only for them to recognize a few characters!" Others remarked, "New schools do not teach the 'Three Character Classic' but instead teach things like 'Big dog barks, little dog jumps,' what kind of knowledge is that!" This certainly reflects the pragmatic and conservative mindset of Chinese farmers at that time, but it also indicates that new education did not gain genuine recognition and widespread acceptance among the common people for a considerable period. It is even more noteworthy that since the May Fourth Movement, intellectuals have advocated for the use of vernacular language to popularize education and enlighten the public, yet ironically, vernacular textbooks became a major reason why the common people were reluctant to accept new-style education. This paradoxical social phenomenon undoubtedly serves as a significant representation of the estrangement between the lower and upper classes and the new intellectuals.

Chen Zhujiu of Badong, born in 1894 into a humble family, had a basic education and studied under a Taoist priest. He worked as a laborer and held various positions including the leader of the local defense team, captain of the security regiment, district chief, and vice chairman of the county council. He rose to prominence among the "clique" in Badong by purchasing his position as a local protector with money. Subsequently, he participated in anti-communist efforts and steadily ascended in rank, wielding power from 1923 to 1948

Since the tide of Western influence has flowed from the West to the East, the gap between urban and rural areas has increasingly widened. The material and spiritual lifestyles of cities, imbued with Western characteristics, are naturally more attractive than the increasingly decayed and dilapidated rural areas. Furthermore, cities concentrate scarce social resources such as wealth, power, and status. In this context, once children from farming families receive modern education at the secondary level or above, they tend to remain in urban areas rather than return to the countryside. University graduates congregate in major cities, while high school graduates also seek ways to stay in provincial and county capitals. Cities have become the living spaces and centers of activity for the new intellectuals. In 1930, the Shanghai newspaper "Min Guo Ri Bao" published an article titled "The Decline of the Countryside," which stated:

Yang Zhixiang, during the Xianfeng era in 1884, came from a humble background and taught at a private school. Later, he organized local militias and served as the Director of the Xian Dong Joint Defense and as County Magistrate, essentially belonging to a local autonomous type of "militia faction"

Qiu Weiwu graduated from a Japanese imperial university and collected a rent of 400 shi. He has served as the director of the county education bureau, an engineer, and a leader of the Nationalist Party.

The 20 influential figures listed in the table from Xunwu, Jiangxi, can be broadly divided into two generations: the old gentry composed of former Qing dynasty graduates, attachés, and scholars, and the new gentry formed by graduates of modern schools. According to Mao Zedong's investigation, at that time, there were still 400 scholars and one degree holder in the county, but most of these individuals were idle, serving as "old elders" in the villages. Clearly, they had withdrawn from the rural political stage. The former "Five Tigers of Xunwu," who were of scholar origin, had already fallen from power, replaced by a group of "New Xun faction" graduates from secondary schools. In the late 1920s and early 1930s, it was a transitional period between the old and new generations. At that time, Xunwu County had a total of 30 university students, 500 secondary school students, and 1,300 primary school students. Most university students resided in large cities outside the area. The main power in Xunwu was held by a group of secondary school graduates. At that time, Xunwu County had a total of 30 university students, 500 secondary school students, and 1,300 primary school students. Most university students resided in large cities outside the area. The main power in Xunwu was held by a group of secondary school graduates.

This is some perspective from the East regarding this monograph. Originally, we could have improved it, but who would have thought that in the end, we actually revolted

Table 1-4 Dynamic Table of Twelve Influential Figures in Western Hubei during the Republic of China Period

Before the 20th century, the imperial examination system was not only the selection mechanism for bureaucrats at various levels of the Chinese state but also the primary pathway for the emergence of local social elites. Through the imperial examination system, the state utilized Confucian normative ideology to unify the bureaucratic group and the gentry group under a common national governance objective. After the abolition of the imperial examination, a new system for cultivating professional bureaucrats failed to be established. The conventional social sources for bureaucrats were depleted, and there was no longer a unified qualification requirement for holding office, leading to a chaotic career path. Meanwhile, the social composition of local social elites also underwent a transformation. During the time of the imperial examinations, obtaining gentry status through examination was a major pathway to join the ranks of local elites. With the abolition of the examinations, the formal source of gentry status was severed. Although the title of 'gentry' still existed during the Republic of China period, it no longer conferred social status based on 'merit and fame' as it did in traditional society. Analyzing the social composition of 'gentry' during the Republic of China, apart from a few remnants of the Qing dynasty's old examination graduates, most were 'newly rich' of that era. Thus, how did the 'newly rich' join the ranks of local 'gentry' during the Republic of China? The following cases presented are somewhat representative.

Year after year, a large number of graduating students rush from the countryside to the cities, with not a single one returning to the rural areas... Rural primary school teachers would rather come to the city to work as copyists for publishing houses and newspapers... The whirlpool of the city has swept away the pillars of the countryside, leaving only the old, the weak, and the young... The countryside has declined, devoid of vitality, blending with the yellow-brown soil into a harmonious color; silence, desolation, barrenness, neglect, and simplicity have taken over the entire countryside

Chen Tufeng, a scholar from the Qing Dynasty, collected over 200 stones of rent from inferior gentry, and was one of the 'Five Tiger Generals of Xunwu'

Analyzing the rise of 12 individuals, although their specific manifestations vary, they share a commonality: they all rely on "power." There are two types of "power": military—force; and economic—financial resources. Among the 12, those who rose through military means and those who rose through financial means are nearly equal in number. Most of those who rose through military means come from humble, impoverished backgrounds, with many being brave and reckless ruffians or local bullies, and only one hails from a gentry family; those who rose through financial means, on the other hand, are primarily from landowning or merchant backgrounds.

Huang Jia Kui Middle School graduates, collecting over 300 stones in rent, are new members of the Nationalist Party.

The East considers this monograph to be quite authoritative, as it not only extensively cites Mao's "Materials from the Investigation of Hunan Rural Areas" and the investigative report by Fei Xiaotong, the last true democrat in China, but also aligns closely with the data that the East has encountered. Upon reading this article, the East felt that this monograph had been sought after for many years.